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El presente artículo se ocupa de la experiencia de la mediación y verificación en Latinoamérica y la más reciente participación de tropas de países del área en operaciones de paz. Aunque el fin de la guerra fría y la transición a la democracia propiciaron la mayor participación de países como Argentina, Chile, Uruguay y Brasil en estas operaciones, el análisis apunta a algunos de los dilemas y desafíos que hoy entrañan estos ejercicios. Se subraya, por un lado, la tendencia que ha hecho de los países en desarrollo los principales contribuyentes de tropas y, por el otro, las dificultades que traen aparejadas operaciones "estibilizadoras" desplegadas en Estados fracasados como la que hoy encabezan diplomáticos latinoamericanos en Haití. (Rev Enfoques/GIGA)

It is common for both the practitioner and academic communities to consider the economic, political and social costs faced by combatant and non-combatant actors in the contexts of internal armed conflicts to identify the probability of a peace negotiation to occur. However, we know little about the dimensions of these costs. This article reviews both the official and the academic production on the different costs incurred by the colombian society and economy in the course of the country's prolonged internal armed conflict. It identifies how these costs have been quantified by different authors and institutions and discusses some of the limitations of these studies. The article suggests that it would be convenient to specify the affected social sectors or productive activities at risk in order to fine tune our ability to identify, enlist, and mobilize crucial peacebuilding partners. (Rev Estud Social/GIGA)

This article explains how the emerald and coca economies are ingrained in the Colombian conflict. The authors interpret the mechanisms that generate conflict or peace, order or disorder. Their analysis is supported on Richard Snyder's model which offers analytical elements to understand how violent reaction and raw products exports correlate with each other. They conclude that the described economies have had very violent courses but have also opened up specific paths to peace, of which the prerequisites are the denial of democratic freedom, privatization of public economies, and the endorsement and strengthening of illegal or semi-legal actors. The article also offers a critical assessment of Snyder's model. (Colombia Internacional/GIGA-Bsb)