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La reprise au sortir de la Grande Récession a été semée d'embûches. Cette reprise économique diffère des reprises cycliques précédentes. La raison en est simple : nous sommes en pleine crise de la dette. Ces crises présentent des particularités économiques et politiques. Sur le plan politique, elles entraînent des conflits sur la répartition du fardeau de l'ajustement, qui peuvent retarder sensiblement l'adoption des mesures nécessaires pour atténuer leurs effets – ce qui aggrave les problèmes de tout le monde. La théorie et l'histoire mettent en évidence divers facteurs qui favorisent ce type de conflit contre-productif et ces retards ; elles proposent également des moyens pour limiter ces conflits et leurs coûts sociaux.

War between great powers seems to be a thing of the past. Between developed States, this change heralds an era of postmodern conflicts which bypass armed confrontation. Other conflicts, brought about by the fragmentation and reformation of political spheres, are linked to pre-modern wars waged by warlords. But in general, wars are becoming scarcer. Are we heading for a time of peace in which conflicts might be kept under the military confrontation stage? (Politique étrangère (Paris) / SWP)

The Oslo Accords have failed. The fragmentation of the West Bank and the absorption of East Jerusalem by Israel have rendered the classic two-state solution impossible. To get out of this rut, a new solution must be envisioned, one of confederal states and porous borders. Such a solution has no chance of achieving peace unless the strong party, Israel, accepts that if the status quo is maintained the Zionist project will come to nothing. (Politique étrangère (Paris) / SWP)

During Barack Obama's first term, the United States' Middle East policy generated a lot of disappointment, especially for the Palestinians. The U.S. President intends to play a more active role in the region, working on issues such as the Iranian nuclear question, civil war in Syria, and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. He can count on the help of John Kerry, who recently replaced Hillary Clinton as Secretary of State. (Politique étrangère (Paris) / SWP)

There are fewer wars and they have fewer casualties. This statement is supported by multiple, well-founded statistical analyses. It is explained most notably by the pacifying role played by the States in the post-cold war period. Despite this, the common preconceptions of an unstable and dangerous world are hard to shake. For various reasons, the realists, liberals and anti-globalists refuse to recognise this reality and perpetuate the stereotype of a planet on the edge of destruction. (Politique étrangère (Paris) / SWP)

Has the Israeli electorate shifted to the right, as a number of commentators have suggested over the past few years? It is probably less a move to the right and more a dissatisfaction with the inability of the parties on the left to manage the peace process and fully address the issue of security for Israeli people. Right-wing parties do not actually attract fundamental memberships: it is simply that the left has hardly anything to offer. The reconstruction of a democratic left party is certainly possible but it will take time. (Politique étrangère (Paris) / SWP)

By 2014 the UN will be the number one military force in terms of operations conducted. The UN comes under various criticisms such as the endless operations fossilized in the international landscape and the huge and seemingly endless financial outlay of the UN's deployments in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Darfur. Yet why is it that military powers remain aloof, that one in three UN peacekeepers comes from South Asia? Is the UN's peacekeeping method outdated? But who could possibly be up to taking the reins from the United Nations? (Politique étrangère (Paris) / SWP)

The Nordic Region offers innovative interpretative approaches and models to overcome the "dilemma between security and prosperity". In this region, integration and fragmentation have been well-balanced and grounded on diversity. The first aim of this article is to explain the reasons for peace in Nordic Europe, a task sometimes more difficult than explaining wars. Historical cases of pacific resolution of disputes and the possible reasons for those policies are considered. Finally, the theoretical foundations of these approaches and how they influenced the political institutions are also analyzed.