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Democracy and human rights are often portrayed as 'two sides of the same coin'. This is often done in reference to quintessentially political rights such as the right to vote, the right to freedom of expression, and the right to freedom of association and assembly. Much academic commentary since the 1990s emphasises the mutually reinforcing nature of the relationship between democracy and human rights and, further, supports the concept of a right to democracy.Yet what of rights that are not strictly tied to the procedural fulfilment of democratic decision-making – particularly if such rights claim 'absolute' status? This paper addresses this issue. It considers what an absolute right entails and zooms in on the right enshrined in Article 3 of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), which establishes that no one shall be subjected to torture or inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment, outlining two broad areas in which such a right can operate to protect marginalized, unpopular or voiceless minority groups against majoritarian will or executive 'public interest' arguments.It then assesses how the nature and implications of an absolute right such as Article 3 ECHR can be seen to relate to democracy and examines the potential for defining democracy in a way that encompasses respect for such rights, or for reconsidering the limits of democracy in light of such rights. It is suggested that the account provided indicates that the relationship between human rights and democracy must cease to be viewed through broad-brush references to inter-dependence and mutual reinforcement. This entails that public lawyers must confront the need to address precisely and unequivocally what we mean when evoking the idea of democracy, and notably 'constitutional democracy',3 particularly if we wish to have a lucid and honest account of its relationship with fundamental rights. In the European context, the European Court of Human Rights is called upon to provide such an account in its interpretation of human rights within ...

Phillips, Sarah. (2011). Yemen and the Politics of PermanentCrisis. London: International Institute for Strategic Studies. 167 páginas.ISBN: 978-0-415-69574-9 ; Phillips, Sarah. (2011). Yemen and the Politics of PermanentCrisis. London: International Institute for Strategic Studies. 167 páginas.

This is our second issue dedicated to the topic "Art and Politics" and it would be worth asking ourselves Why two numbers on a subject that is on everyone's lips? -Academically it is treated daily and appears recurrently in newspapers, magazines and newscasts. The truth is that art generates needs, shapes communities and societies, shapes behaviors, gives status, constitutes identity and even highlights virtues and could propitiate that some truths not so real in the collective imagination, are transformed into inventions or chimeras. Also, it is true that the influence of the mass media is present in the taste shown by communities for art and artists. Today for example: the artist, the title of the work and the justification or support that is made of it, can be more important than the work. If we add to this what is in the offices, it is where mass media decide on what art to promote and promote and what works to ignore or ignore, we would have to affirm that in the contemporaneity the link between art and politics it goes beyond a formal relationship and becomes a form of power. ; Este es nuestro segundo número dedicado al tema "Arte y Política" y valdría la pena preguntarnos¿por qué dos números sobre un tema que está en boca de todo el mundo? Académicamente se trata a diario y aparece recurrentemente en periódicos, revistas y noticieros-. Lo cierto es, que el arte genera necesidades, conforma comunidades y sociedades,moldea conductas, da status, constituye identidad e incluso destaca virtudes y pude propiciar que algunas verdades no tan reales en el imaginario colectivo, se trasformen en invenciones o quimeras. También, es cierto que la influencia de los medios masivos de comunicación está presente en el gusto que demuestran las comunidades por el arte y los artistas. Hoy en día por ejemplo:el artista, el título de la obra y la justificación o sustentación que se haga de ella, pueden ser más importantes que la obra. Si a esto agregamos que es en las oficinas es donde los mas media deciden sobre que arte promocionar e impulsar y que obras desconocer o ignorar, tendríamos que afirmar que en la contemporaneidad el vínculo entre arte y política va más allá de una relación formal y se convierte en una forma de poder.

Socrates can be said to have left the subsequent philosophical tradition with the problem of the relation between philosophy and politics. Already in the Republic the proposal of philosopher-kings represents more a tension than an identity. While Aristotle responds by insisting on a sharp distinction between politics and philosophical wisdom, this distinction proves on closer examination much less sharp than might appear. Heidegger characterizes philosophy as the only authentic politics and the philosopher as ruling just by virtue of being a philosopher. In contrast, Foucault insists that, if philosophy can play a role in relation to politics by transforming the subject who lives politically, it plays no role within politics. In this contrast can be seen the 'fallout' of the tension bequeathed by Socrates through both Plato and Aristotle.

In Peru, young college students have leading roles in social protest mobilizations even when they seldom belong to political organizations. This study aims to analyze the perception of current politics and its institu-tions among young college students, and to inquire into their interest on relevant events at their surround-ings and into the importance gained by the media and the social networks concerning their information. The purpose of this project is also to examine the role assigned by college students to the university as a space of personal development and reflection. This project was carried out in Lima, Peru, directed to youngsters aged 17 to 25 from public and private universities. Opinions have been collected through six focus-groups and a survey applied to more than 400 students. The analysis concludes that college students distrust pro-foundly political parties and formal political organizations, likewise it shows they have a broad access to information sources, so as their willingness to solve Peru's problematic issues. It also uncovers clear differ-ences between students of private and public universities regarding attitudes for participating in political action, inside and outside the campus. From the study stems a proposal to provide young students at their campuses with opportunities to debate public issues of national and global interest as a part of their overall academic training.

El presente texto está basado en el Trabajo Fin de Grado en Trabajo Social de la Universidad de Granada (España), titulado "Minorías étnicas, Islamofobia y Garantía de las Libertades Religiosas: el caso de Granada" realizado por José Luis Martínez Ruiz y dirigido por Mourad Aboussi durante el curso académico 2015-2016. ; ______ ; This text is based on the Final Degree Project of the Degree on Social Work -University of Granada (Spain)-, entitled "Ethnic Minorities, Islamophobia and the Guarantee of Religious Freedoms: the case of Granada". It was developed by José Luis Martínez Ruiz and directed by Mourad Aboussi during the academic year 2015-2016. ; La globalización ha cambiado los movimientos migratorios convirtiéndolos en globales, transnacionales, circulares y heterogéneos desde países pobres a países llamados desarrollados. De igual forma, las políticas migratorias han cambiado, apuestan por una mayor seguridad y un mayor control. Los sentimientos de racismo, xenofobia e islamofobia están más presentes en las sociedades occidentales desde los atentados cometidos por el islamismo radical en diferentes ciudades. La sociedad, los partidos políticos y los medios de comunicación no suelen diferenciar el Islam del Islamismo Radical. Estos factores, entre otros, dificultan la integración y la convivencia de las personas inmigrantes. El Estado Español responde con leyes y normas que recogen los derechos de este colectivo, pero a veces la garantía de estos derechos muestra ciertas deficiencias. Tampoco los planes, programas y proyectos de integración se adaptan suficientemente a las nuevas circunstancias. En el presente artículo, nos centraremos en la comunidad musulmana en España, la práctica de su libertad religiosa y si se promueve su integración y convivencia con la población autóctona. ; Globalization has changed the migratory movements, which are now global, transnational, circular and heterogeneous between poor and developed countries. In the same way, migration policies have also changed, going for better security and more control. Feelings of racism, xenophobia and Islamophobia are even more present in western societies after the attacks by radical islamic have happened in different cities, making harder the integration and coexistence of people from different countries. Society, political parties and media do not tend to differentiate Islam from the Radical Islamism. The Spanish State try to alleviate making new laws with the rights of this group, but sometimes the guarantee of these rights are totally inaccurate when are carried them out. In addition, the State, along with the local councils and areas of Spain, create integration plans which are adapted to the new circumstances, but they do not provide most needs of that group. In this article, we will focus on the Muslim Community in Spain, the practice of her religious freedom and if her integration and coexistence with native population is promoted.

This article seeks to reintroduce discussions on gender relations in politics back into scholarly and political debate. Many countries have adopted gender quotas, but it is unclear whether their implementation has meaningfully changed the prevalent inequalities governing gender relations in politics. This article considers whether the implementation of gender quotas could promote change, and assesses this change with reference to five criteria formerly used to assess the strategy of gender mainstreaming. These are a shift towards a more comprehensive concept of gender equality; the incorporation of a gender perspective intersected with other inequalities in mainstream politics; equal political representation; organizational changes in selection and recruitment mechanisms as well as the functioning of politics; and, finally, the displacement of hierarchies, and the empowerment of subjects. Reflection on and empirical illustrations of gender quotas with regard to these criteria reveal a mixed picture, demonstrating the need to reintroduce discussions about gender equality within politics back into gender quota debates. This discussion will not focus on the legitimacy of or need for gender quotas, but on how their implementation can contribute to the improvement of gender relations in politics beyond a quantitative sense. Approaching gender quotas through the use of criteria devised for assessing the gender mainstreaming strategy is helpful in exploring the potential of gender quotas in the transformation of gender relations.

The article deals with the theme of the subject in politics and law, which is essentially also the theme of who speaks. A focus on the voice is regarded here as paramount.