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Crna Gora je Ustavom iz 2007. godine postavila temelje modelu multikulturalizma u odnosu države prema činjenici etnokulturnog pluralizma. Puna integracija svih etničkih i nacionalnih zajednica može biti ostvarena isključivo poštovanjem i priznavanjem njihovih kolektivnih identiteta u političkoj dimenziji, zabranom asimilacije i svih oblika diskriminacije manjinskih nacionalnih zajednica. U demografskom smislu, prema rezultatima posljednjeg popisa stanovništva, radi se o multikulturalnoj državi u kojoj postoji izražen etnokulturni pluralizam. Sa aspekta ostvarenih rezultata u procesu integracije etnonacionalnih manjina u Crnoj Gori, najlošiji rezultati ostvareni su u pogledu integracije romske etničke zajednice. Teškoće u procesu integracije ove zajednice u crnogorsko društvo rezultat su i pravno-institucionalnih nedostataka, posebno u dijelu koji se tiče njene političke participacije. ; The 2007 Constitution of Montenegro has laid down the foundation for the model of multiculturalism which is the basic principle of the states' relation towards the fact of ethnic pluralism within Montenegrin society. Full integration of all ethnic and national communities can be achieved only through recognition and respect of their collective identities in political dimension, prevention of the assimilation and all forms of discrimination of minority national communities. In demographic terms, according to the last census, Montenegro is multicultural state with significant level of ethno cultural pluralism. From the perspective of achieved results in the integration process of minority communities in Montenegro, integration of the members of Roma community was the least successful. The difficulties in the integration process of this community in Montenegrin society are the result of institutional shortcomings, especially in terms of its political participation.

Polazeći od dvodimenzionanog razumijevanja povjerenja u političke institucije, u radu provjeravamo prediktivnost povjerenja u vladu i predstavničke institucije i povjerenja u provedbene institucije za objašnjenje glasanja te prosvjednog sudjelovanja, kao i moguću posredujuću ulogu zadovoljstva funkcioniranjem političkog sustava. Rad se temelji na hrvatskim podatcima petog vala Europskog istraživanja vrednota – EIV (European Values Study – EVS, 2017). Pojedinačne povezanosti dvaju oblika povjerenja i dvaju tipova sudjelovanja pokazuju da je izraženije povjerenje u vladu i predstavničke institucije povezano s češćim glasanjem te manjom sklonošću prosvjednom sudjelovanju, dok je povjerenje u provedbene institucije povezano samo s manjom sklonošću prosvjednom sudjelovanju. Ujedno, oba su oblika političkog povjerenja snažno međusobno povezana te praćena većim zadovoljstvom funkcioniranjem političkog sustava, a koje je u slaboj pozitivnoj vezi s glasanjem te u negativnoj sa sklonošću prosvjedima. Multivarijatnom analizom potvrđen je samo samostalan pozitivni doprinos povjerenja u vladu i predstavničke institucije za pojašnjenje glasanja. Rezultate raspravljamo u kontekstu visoke povezanosti dvaju oblika političkog povjerenja u hrvatskim uvjetima te dosadašnjih nalaza o odrednicama glasanja i prosvjednog sudjelovanja kao dvaju oblika političkog sudjelovanja. ; Starting from a two-dimensional understanding of trust in political institutions, the paper examines trust in the government and representative institutions and trust in executive institutions as predictors of voting and protest participation, as well as the possible mediating role of satisfaction with the functioning of the political system. The paper is based on the Croatian data from the fifth wave of the European Values Study (EVS, 2017). Individual associations between the two forms of trust and the two types of participation indicate that greater trust in government and representative institutions is associated with more frequent voting and a lower propensity for protest participation. In contrast, trust in executive institutions is only associated with a lower propensity for protest participation. At the same time, both forms of political trust are strongly interconnected and accompanied with greater satisfaction with the functioning of the political system, which is weakly positively associated with voting and negatively associated with the propensity for protest participation. The multivariate analysis confirmed only the trust in government and representative institutions as a unique positive predictor of voting. The results are discussed in view of the high association between the two forms of political trust in the Croatian context, and the findings to date regarding the determinants of voting and protest participation as two forms of political participation.

Starting from a two-dimensional understanding of trust in institutions, we examine the predictability of trust in political institutions and trust in non-political national institutions in explain voting and protest forms of citizen participation in politics, as well as the possible mediating role of satisfaction with the functioning of the political system. The paper is based on the Croatian data of the fifth wave of the European Values Study (EVS, 2018). Individual associations between the two forms of trust and the two types of participation indicate that greater confidence in political institutions is associated with more frequent electoral participation and a lower propensity for protest participation. In contrast, trust in non-political institutions is only associated with less propensity for protest participation. At the same time, both forms of political trust are strongly interconnected and accompanied by greater satisfaction with the functioning of the political system, which is weakly positively associated with voting and negatively associated with a tendency to protest. The multivariate analysis confirmed only the independent positive contribution of trust in political institutions to voting. We discuss the results in the context of the high association between the two forms of political trust in Croatian context, and the findings to date regarding the determinants of voting and protest participation as two forms of citizen participation in politics. ; Polazeći od dvodimenzionanog razumijevanja povjerenja u institucije, u radu provjeravamo prediktivnost povjerenja u političke institucije i povjerenja u nepolitičke nacionalne institucije za objašnjenje glasanja te protestnih oblika sudjelovanja građana u politici, kao i moguću posredujuću ulogu zadovoljstva funkcioniranjem političkog sustava. Rad se temelji na hrvatskim podacima petog vala Europske studije vrednota - ESV (European Values Study - EVS, 2018). Pojedinačne povezanosti dvaju oblika povjerenja i dvaju tipova sudjelovanja ukazuju da je izraženije povjerenje u političke institucije povezano s češćom izbornom participacijom, a manjom sklonošću prosvjednog sudjelovanja, dok je povjerenje u nepolitičke institucije povezano samo s manjom sklonošću prosvjednom sudjelovanju. Ujedno, oba su oblika političkog povjerenja snažno međusobno povezana, te praćena većim zadovoljstvom funkcioniranjem političkog sustava, a koje je u slaboj pozitivnoj vezi s glasanjem, te u negativnoj sa sklonošću prosvjedima. Multivarijatnom analizom potvrđen je samo samostalan pozitivni doprinos povjerenja u političke institucije za pojašnjenje glasanja. Rezultate raspravljamo u kontekstu visoke povezanosti dvaju oblika političkog povjerenja u hrvatskim uvjetima, te dosadašnjih nalaza o odrednicama glasanja i protestnog sudjelovanja kao dvaju oblika sudjelovanja građana u politici.

The Net Generation, a generation which grew up with digital media, differ from older generations which entered the world of digital media and the Internet afterwards. The Internet itself opened new possibilities of communication and participation in the sphere of politics as well. Research was conducted among students at the Faculty of Teacher Education in Zagreb and Baltazar Zaprešić Polytechnic in order to establish the degree to which students, the so called "digital natives", use the Internet for the purposes of political information, communication, and participation. Over two thirds of participants, young voters, voted in the parliamentary elections in Croatia in 2015, and in order to obtain information on political matters, they prefer using the Internet, but also use television to almost the same extent. According to the research results, the majority of the participants are ready to express their political opinions over the Internet. Half of the participants in no way show readiness to engage in political life by joining a political party, and a very small percentage of them are ready to take part in protest gatherings. In the segment of political participation, members of the Net Generation do not show a statistically significant difference when compared to older students of a non-teacher education polytechnic. ; Net-generaciji, generaciji koja je odrasla s digitalnim medijima, pripisuju se značajke koje ih razlikuju od pripadnika starijih generacija koja su u svijet digitalnih medija i interneta ušle naknadno. Internet je pak otvorio nove mogućnosti komunikacije i participacije i u sferi politike. Među studentima Učiteljskog fakulteta u Zagrebu i Veleučilišta Baltazar Zaprešić provedeno je istraživanje s ciljem utvrđivanja u kojoj se mjeri studenti, tzv. "digitalni urođenici", koriste internetom s ciljem političke informiranosti, političke komunikacije i participacije. Nešto više od dvije trećine ispitanika, mladih birača, glasovalo je na parlamentarnim izborima u Hrvatskoj 2015. godine. Oni preferiraju internet kako bi se informirali o političkim zbivanjima, ali u gotovo istoj mjeri preferiraju i televiziju. Prema rezultatima istraživanja, ispitanici su u najvećem broju spremni iskazati svoje političko mišljenje putem interneta, polovina ispitanika nikako ne pokazuje spremnost da se angažiraju kao članovi političke stranke, a u vrlo malom postotku spremni su sudjelovati u protestnim okupljanjima. Pripadnici net-generacije u segmentu političke participacije ne pokazuju statistički značajnu razliku u usporedbi sa studentima neučiteljskog fakulteta starije životne dobi.

This article is aimed at expanding the democratic tool kit of mechanisms for public consultation. It is aimed at showing that it is indeed possible to combine inclusiveness & thoughtfulness -- rather than force us to choose between them. The author's institutional innovations for combining the two democratic aspirations are deliberative polls & Deliberation day. The article shows that these mechanisms of public consultation manage to avoid contentions that mass participation undermines collective thoughtfulness. Adapted from the source document.

The article discusses the problem of political trust and its importance for the functioning of democracy, as well as the differences in the origin and structure of political trust between the old and the new democracies. Political trust is a prerequisite for the legitimacy of democratic regimes. In the new democracies, the commitment to democracy does not automatically create political trust. The problem of democratic functioning of institutions in the circumstances of widespread distrust, that is, the problem of creating trust in the circumstances of institutional inefficiency, revives the determinism of the socio-cultural matrix in transitional societies. The origin and the structure of political trust are discussed within the framework of the cultural and institutional approach. The cultural approach considers trust to be exogenous and determined by socio-cultural characteristics, while in the institutional approach trust is considered to be endogenous, and resulting from functioning institutions. The author points out the limits of the institutional approach since it neglects the fact that existing socio-cultural factors are not compatible to the new political structure caused by the developmental and political discontinuity of the transitional societies. The author also points out the importance of trust in the system's institutions. Trust is an important socio-cultural feature which enables the consolidation of democracy. The institutions may gain political trust exclusively by being reliable and working in bringing about democratic relations. Workable institutions demand responsibility of political actors, and by respecting democratic norms and procedures they secure the liberty and equality of citizens and enable active political participation. Only in this way can institutions generate trust that would underlie the legitimacy of democratic regimes. Therefore building institutions that would be autonomous to demand efficiency and responsibility from political actors, and would be responsive towards the citizens is the biggest problem and a most important task of the democratic consolidation. Adapted from the source document.

The article discusses the problem of political trust and its importance for the functioning of democracy, as well as the differences in the origin and structure of political trust between the old and the new democracies. Political trust is a prerequisite for the legitimacy of democratic regimes. In the new democracies, the commitment to democracy does not automatically create political trust. The problem of democratic functioning of institutions in the circumstances of widespread distrust, that is, the problem of creating trust in the circumstances of institutional inefficiency, revives the determinism of the socio-cultural matrix in transitional societies. The origin and the structure of political trust are discussed within the framework of the cultural and institutional approach. The cultural approach considers trust to be exogenous and determined by socio-cultural characteristics, while in the institutional approach trust is considered to be endogenous, and resulting from functioning institutions. The author points out the limits of the institutional approach since it neglects the fact that existing socio-cultural factors are not compatible to the new political structure caused by the developmental and political discontinuity of the transitional societies. The author also points out the importance of trust in the system's institutions. Trust is an important socio-cultural feature which enables the consolidation of democracy. The institutions may gain political trust exclusively by being reliable and working in bringing about democratic relations. Workable institutions demand responsibility of political actors, and by respecting democratic norms and procedures they secure the liberty and equality of citizens and enable active political participation. Only in this way can institutions generate trust that would underlie the legitimacy of democratic regimes. Therefore building institutions that would be autonomous to demand efficiency and responsibility from political actors, and would be responsive towards the citizens is the biggest problem and a most important task of the democratic consolidation. Adapted from the source document.

This work analyzes the relation between democracy & political participation, the typology & model of political participation, the findings of the research of political participation in the world (S. Verba, N. H. Nie, 1972; S. H. Barnes, M. Kaase, 1979; & others), & the research of the same phenomenon on a sample of Croatian students. This analysis has shown that today all the elements necessary for a more comprehensive theory of political participation are in place. This theory would enable a more systematic & standardized investigation of this phenomenon in the national & the international context. The article also shows how the nonconventional participation is gaining ground while the conventional is gradually leveling out. Significant are the results of the analysis of the etiology of political participation, particularly the relation between the standard SES model & the model of value orientations (left-right materialism, materialism-postmaterialism, etc). The analysis of the model of participation of Croatian students has shown that the model of 'protest behavior/potential' has a more complex etiology than other models, such as conventional participation & voting in parliamentary elections. Thus, for the 'protest potential' it is necessary to possess a developed civic competence, a critical attitude toward the government's performance, a liberal arts education, etc, while for the conventional participation it is central to have a higher level of political interest. Significant differences between the Croatian students & those from other European countries can be observed regarding the role of value orientations in explaining political participation. 5 Tables, 1 Graph. Adapted from the source document.

The increasing use of mini-publics in the policy process, ranging from citizens' juries & deliberative polls to the more recent British Columbia Citizens' Assembly, has coincided with the emergence of theories of deliberative democracy. A growing number of deliberative democrats have turned their attention to mini-publics arguing that they embody desirable institutional characteristics. This article analyses the extent to which mini-publics live up to the deliberative ideal & the ways in which the analysis of the practice of mini-publics allows us to reflect on the evaluative commitments of theorists. Adapted from the source document.

In this paper, the author argues that political education is indispensable to democracy & dependent on models of democracy. In analysing normative models of democracy, his focus is on the process of creating political will because it is during this process where the role of citizens themselves becomes prominent. The analysis has demonstrated that there are various ways in which citizens can become engaged in the process of creating political will, & that these various ways in fact determine the distinctiveness of each model of democracy. The author shows that strategic political action, as instrumental political action, is characteristic of the classical liberal model, whilst value-rational, ethically laden, action is characteristic of the classical republican model of democracy. The problem with both these models is that the key motives for citizen political engagement -- interests in the liberal model, & the common good in the republican model -- are in a way exogenous to the political process itself. The development of the third model, the theory of deliberative democracy, seeks to overcome these exogenous qualities of interests & the common good in relation to the political process & thus reassert the role of politics in constituting interests & the common good. Thus, the deliberative model of democracy has the potential for constituting & transforming interests & conceptions of the common good. In this model, politics assumes its distinctive function of organising society, resolving conflicts & achieving consensus. In the deliberative model of democracy, political education is provided with new outlines & dimension. These are based on the premises of social cooperation & the notion of the person as capable of acting justly & participate in the public sphere for the purpose of resolving shared problems. References. Adapted from the source document.

The paper deals with the factors that determine the scope of the participation of women in parliamentary decision making. That scope depends, on the one hand, on the self-organization of women (in the US), & on the other, on the intervention of political agencies (the state, as is the case in socialist countries, or political parties, as is the case in Western democracies). Without either, the percentage of women participating in politics is drastically reduced (which happened in the countries in transition). 1 Table, 2 Graphs, 12 References. Adapted from the source document.

The article deals with the concept of civil society in relation to its theoretical legacy & also with its meaning in the context of the social reality of developed democracies &, in particular, transitional societies. The author looks into the fundamental features of the societies of developed democracies where defining the further development of civil society & its adjustment to new social circumstances is under way, primarily due to the preservation & strengthening of the civic initiative & the expansion of the space for civic & political participation. For transitional societies, democracy is a coveted goal. The author's opinion is that the establishment of an autonomous civil society & the application of its elementary mechanisms is the essential & irreplaceable condition of its realization. He looks into the prospects for the democratization of the public & the political space of transitional societies by means of the application of social & political patterns of civil society, especially in relation to all the differences & particularities of these societies that serve as inhibiting factors (social & political legacy, authoritarian aberrations). Despite a plethora of obstacles, the prospects for an autochthonous structuring of the civil society within the existing social conditions, based on the same universal values of the civil society in developed democracies, are much bigger than those for the implementation of the readymade solutions from developed democracies. 31 References. Adapted from the source document.

In this paper the author uses the analysis of a concrete case -- the introduction of political education into England's school system -- to describe the scientific, professional & political debates surrounding the status of school political education in schools in democratic states. Based on this analysis he concludes that England's case unmistakably proves that the proposals regarding the introduction of the new political education syllabuses, regardless of their quality, will invariably fail unless there is a strong political will i.e. the resolve of the political elites to accept & implement them. He also concludes that in today's democratic states there is some sort of a consensus on the necessity of the existence of this segment of education as an essential component of school systems. The consensus is based on the understanding that the future of democratic political systems to a large extent depends on the existence of citizens who possess the knowledge, attitudes & capabilities necessary for their informed & responsible inclusion in the process of political decision-making. The author thinks that the analysis embarked on in this paper might serve as an incentive for the actualization of the debate on the present status, scope, models & contents of political education in Croatian schools. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.