In: Analele Universității București: Annals of the University of Bucharest = Les Annales de l'Université de Bucarest. Științe politice = Political science series = Série Sciences politiques, Volume 14, Issue 2, p. 3-15
The present paper analyzes the political context in which, by mid 19th century, Romania became a parliamentar monarchy and Charles Ist became king of Romania. The first part of the paper focuses on the numerous aspects concerning the often contradictory, domestic and international, political vested interests. The second part focuses, from the perspective of political science, on the political arena, the main political parties and the way the electoral system worked in a context of emerging democracy.
Published: 28 April 2018 ; In an interdependent world, this sensation that not everyone who should be here is here, that our constituencies should be completed with other criteria of inclusion, that there may be some who have been illegitimately excluded from our group points to a triple inclusion―spatial, temporal and natural―that we should undertake: the inclusion of our neighbors, of our descendants and of the environment. None of these three "votes" enough. One of the principal challenges of contemporary democracies is how to reintroduce these subjects in our systems of representation and decision-making. If this hypothesis is correct, then we have a true democratic deficit and the habitual question about whether democracy is possible beyond the national state should be reformulated to ask instead whether democracy is possible without including those who are outside the national state, or more concretely, whether we can continue calling a political system a democracy if it does not internalize the interests of its contemporaries, does not anticipate the rights of future generations or does not recognize in some way the political subjectivity of nature.
With the return to multi party system in Cameroon in the 1990s,Cameroon's state witnessed the rise of new players, including womenentrepreneurs. This thesis aims at determining the structural lessons learnedfrom the sociopolitical dynamics of women entrepreneurs in social and politicalsphere about the functioning of Cameroon's political system with regard togender. Through this inquiry, our goal is to see how the entry of women ingeneral and mainstreaming of women entrepreneurs in particular in the politicalsystem results in a change of ethos on cameroon's political life which is stronglymarked by the ethos of notability-seniority and manhood and mainlycharacterized by the governance of manducation and policy of self-replication. ; Avec le retour du multipartisme au Cameroun dans les années mil neufcent quatre-vingt-dix, l'État camerounais voit émerger des nouveaux acteursparmi lesquelles les femmes entrepreneures. L'objectif de cette thèse est dedéterminer quels enseignements structurels, les dynamiques sociopolitiquesdes femmes entrepreneures dans la sphère sociopolitique nous livrent sur lefonctionnement du système politique camerounais à l'aune du genre. A traversce questionnement, l'objectif est de voir dans quelle mesure l'entrée desfemmes en général et l'intégration des femmes entrepreneures en particulierdans le système politique entraînent un changement d'ethos de la vie politiquecamerounaise fortement imprégnée de l'ethos de la notabilité-séniorité et de lamasculinité et fortement caractérisée par la gouvernance de la manducation etla politique de l'autoreproduction.
With the return to multi party system in Cameroon in the 1990s,Cameroon's state witnessed the rise of new players, including womenentrepreneurs. This thesis aims at determining the structural lessons learnedfrom the sociopolitical dynamics of women entrepreneurs in social and politicalsphere about the functioning of Cameroon's political system with regard togender. Through this inquiry, our goal is to see how the entry of women ingeneral and mainstreaming of women entrepreneurs in particular in the politicalsystem results in a change of ethos on cameroon's political life which is stronglymarked by the ethos of notability-seniority and manhood and mainlycharacterized by the governance of manducation and policy of self-replication. ; Avec le retour du multipartisme au Cameroun dans les années mil neufcent quatre-vingt-dix, l'État camerounais voit émerger des nouveaux acteursparmi lesquelles les femmes entrepreneures. L'objectif de cette thèse est dedéterminer quels enseignements structurels, les dynamiques sociopolitiquesdes femmes entrepreneures dans la sphère sociopolitique nous livrent sur lefonctionnement du système politique camerounais à l'aune du genre. A traversce questionnement, l'objectif est de voir dans quelle mesure l'entrée desfemmes en général et l'intégration des femmes entrepreneures en particulierdans le système politique entraînent un changement d'ethos de la vie politiquecamerounaise fortement imprégnée de l'ethos de la notabilité-séniorité et de lamasculinité et fortement caractérisée par la gouvernance de la manducation etla politique de l'autoreproduction.
This book employs a Marxist framework to analyse aspects of Ghanaian politics during the 1966-81 period. Its central claim is that the present Ghanaian social formation which is dominated by foreign capital through the domestic bourgeois and petit-bourgeois classes is incapable of transforming itself into an independent autonomous system. Hence, it is characterised by recurring political and economic crises. Industrial strikes and other forms of struggle by the lower classes are responses to the deprivations which they suffer as a result of these crises, and constitute attempts to reject the rule of the country's ruling classes. (DÜI-Hff)
En 1969, Georges Lavau, constitutionaliste et sociologue français, propose une analyse de la fonction du parti communiste français (PCF) dans une perspective systémique. Pour construire son modèle d'analyse, il s'inspire de l'approche de David Easton, notamment concernant la définition donnée de ce qu'est un système politique. Dans le prolongement de David Easton, Georges Lavau considère qu'un parti politique peut ou non contribuer au maintien du système politique en fonction des rôles qu'il endosse (volontairement ou indépendamment de sa volonté, voire inconsciemment). Partant, cette fois-ci de la typologie de Théodore Lowi qui assigne deux fonctions possibles à un parti politique, légitimation et stabilisation du système politique, d'une part, soutien des politiques publiques d'autre part, Georges Lavau propose une troisième fonction : la fonction tribunitienne.
The political regime change that occurred in Romania, along with the dismissal of communism, elicited a process of emergence of new political elites and of new patterns in the functioning of the country's political institutions. But new political elites do not emerge ex nihilo and institutional changes are slower in practice than the ambition of change. Given the extensive absence of decision-making or technical expertise among the political actors, the new parties in government conducted a policy of cooption of personnel instituting new patterns of selection. The paper will emphasize the fact that, in the Romanian case, the process of professionalization of governmental personnel took the form of a long process, and that the protocols of the reconfiguration implied divergent strategies in what concerns the governments' ministers and the secretaries of state. It will be shown that although the ministerial careers suggest the institutionalization of recruitment procedures similar to other European parliamentary democracies, the junior ministers' level remained dominated by forms of cooption from outside the political realm.
Neither political science nor the history of comparatism has ever really grasped Voltaire's political work. However, an examination of the texts, attentive to the context of the century in which they were produced, can bring a new perspective on its political and comparative dimension. The theories of the author of the Essai sur les moeurs et l'esprit des nations, found in numerous works, often in pamphlets that have ceased to be familiar to us, compete and discuss with those of De l'esprit des lois and Du Contrat social, but are today neglected. The spirit of the Voltairian work is driven by a Philosophy of action, which conveys a rigorous examination, of the main political facts of history, albeit obscured by the haunting theme of religion. This historical comparatism, almost unprecedented by its ambition and dimensions, leads to the construction of a Philosophy of history - the first of its kind - which constitutes the Voltairian reading grid of politics. Through comparison, the body of the work then outlines a "good government" enlightened by Reason and natural religion on the one hand, regulated by natural rights and the supremacy of the law on the other. Inspired by European and Asian countries, blending the three classical forms of regime, this mixed model materialises Voltaire's political system. ; Ni la science politique, ni l'histoire du comparatisme ne se sont jamais véritablement saisies de l'œuvre politique de Voltaire. Or l'examen des textes, attentif au contexte du siècle où ils sont produits, peut permettre de dégager une nouvelle perspective sur sa dimension politique et comparative. Égrenées dans de très nombreux ouvrages, souvent dans des opuscules qui ont cessé de nous être familiers, les théories de l'auteur de l'Essai sur les mœurs et l'esprit des nations rivalisent et discutent avec celles de l'Esprit des lois et du Contrat social, mais sont aujourd'hui négligées. L'esprit de l'œuvre voltairienne est animé par une philosophie de l'action qui nourrit un examen rigoureux, quoiqu'obscurci par ...
This thesis aims at researching the system of administrative justice towards the reform of judicial system in Lao PDR through a study of administrative rules among the existing legislative texts. This thesis consists of two parts: Part I: The creation of Lao administrative law. The existence of Lao administrative law is considered as the beginning hypothesis which was allowed us to identify the development of an autonomy law. Then the current administrative procedures of administrative dispute settlement were studied basing on the data bases gained from the questionnaire which had been prepared for this study. Part II: To ensure the autonomy of Lao administrative law by creating of the administrative court. It was to study and analyze the experiences of foreign countries: France, Thailand and Vietnam on the establishment of administrative courts. Its aim was to know, on the one hand, how the administrative courts have been establishing in these countries, and on the other hand, to identify the characteristics of these courts by gaining good lessons and experiences in order to propose the most suitable model for Laos. ; La thèse a pour objectif d'étudier l'ordre administratif : vers une réforme du système judiciaire en RDP Lao à travers l'étude d'identification des règles de droit administratif parmi les textes législatifs existants. La thèse est divisée en deux parties : Première partie : La création d'un droit administratif laotien. L'existence d'un droit administratif laotien est une hypothèse départ qui a permis d'évoquer le développement d'un droit autonome. Puis, les procédures actuelles de résolutions des litiges administratifs ont été étudiées sur la base du questionnaire qui avait été élaboré pour cette étude. Deuxième partie : Pour l'autonomie du droit administratif laotien par la mise en place d'une justice administrative. Il s'agit d'analyser les expériences des pays étrangers : France, Thaïlande et Vietnam sur la création de juridictions administratives. Le but est de connaître comment les ...
This thesis aims at researching the system of administrative justice towards the reform of judicial system in Lao PDR through a study of administrative rules among the existing legislative texts. This thesis consists of two parts: Part I: The creation of Lao administrative law. The existence of Lao administrative law is considered as the beginning hypothesis which was allowed us to identify the development of an autonomy law. Then the current administrative procedures of administrative dispute settlement were studied basing on the data bases gained from the questionnaire which had been prepared for this study. Part II: To ensure the autonomy of Lao administrative law by creating of the administrative court. It was to study and analyze the experiences of foreign countries: France, Thailand and Vietnam on the establishment of administrative courts. Its aim was to know, on the one hand, how the administrative courts have been establishing in these countries, and on the other hand, to identify the characteristics of these courts by gaining good lessons and experiences in order to propose the most suitable model for Laos. ; La thèse a pour objectif d'étudier l'ordre administratif : vers une réforme du système judiciaire en RDP Lao à travers l'étude d'identification des règles de droit administratif parmi les textes législatifs existants. La thèse est divisée en deux parties : Première partie : La création d'un droit administratif laotien. L'existence d'un droit administratif laotien est une hypothèse départ qui a permis d'évoquer le développement d'un droit autonome. Puis, les procédures actuelles de résolutions des litiges administratifs ont été étudiées sur la base du questionnaire qui avait été élaboré pour cette étude. Deuxième partie : Pour l'autonomie du droit administratif laotien par la mise en place d'une justice administrative. Il s'agit d'analyser les expériences des pays étrangers : France, Thaïlande et Vietnam sur la création de juridictions administratives. Le but est de connaître comment les ...
This thesis uses a political economy frame to analyze Thailand's health system and its inequalities in health. After identifying the political actors of the health care system and the ideologies on which they are based, it examines the way in which the policies put in work have affected the health and the distribution of health. In Thailand, national trilogy "Nation-Buddhism-King" impregnated the whole political pattern, including health system. It also influenced political agents and political decision-makers in building the Thai social protection system. Influenced by utilitarianism and nationalism, the Ministry of Health had prioritized efficiency, rather than equality, and improved population health in order to increase economic growth. Due to Buddhism, some technocrats have launched health promotion policies based on the concept of Karma that reinforced individual responsibility for health, but ignored social inequalities that affected health-risk behaviors. Royal charities have provided health care for marginalized groups for long times, but many patients still were left untreated. Thanks to these actors, many health indicators were improved, but, at the same time, it increased health disparities between rich and poor, rural areas and urban areas, as between Bangkok and the poorest regions, North and Northeast. In 2001, Thai Rak Thai party launched a new health insurance program providing basic health care for all Thais. Although many reports confirmed the good results of a policy that reduced some inequalities and improved health care access for the poor, it raised the opposition from several stake-holders groups. This new program, based on equal opportunities and the right to health, unintentionally challenged the old policies and the old ideologies in health care justice. As a result, conflicts in health system as well as political instability as a whole constrained the development of new health policies for the next generations. ; Cette thèse a pour objet l'analyse du système de santé et des inégalités ...
This thesis uses a political economy frame to analyze Thailand's health system and its inequalities in health. After identifying the political actors of the health care system and the ideologies on which they are based, it examines the way in which the policies put in work have affected the health and the distribution of health. In Thailand, national trilogy "Nation-Buddhism-King" impregnated the whole political pattern, including health system. It also influenced political agents and political decision-makers in building the Thai social protection system. Influenced by utilitarianism and nationalism, the Ministry of Health had prioritized efficiency, rather than equality, and improved population health in order to increase economic growth. Due to Buddhism, some technocrats have launched health promotion policies based on the concept of Karma that reinforced individual responsibility for health, but ignored social inequalities that affected health-risk behaviors. Royal charities have provided health care for marginalized groups for long times, but many patients still were left untreated. Thanks to these actors, many health indicators were improved, but, at the same time, it increased health disparities between rich and poor, rural areas and urban areas, as between Bangkok and the poorest regions, North and Northeast. In 2001, Thai Rak Thai party launched a new health insurance program providing basic health care for all Thais. Although many reports confirmed the good results of a policy that reduced some inequalities and improved health care access for the poor, it raised the opposition from several stake-holders groups. This new program, based on equal opportunities and the right to health, unintentionally challenged the old policies and the old ideologies in health care justice. As a result, conflicts in health system as well as political instability as a whole constrained the development of new health policies for the next generations. ; Cette thèse a pour objet l'analyse du système de santé et des inégalités en matière de santé en Thaïlande. Il s'agit d'abord d'identifier les acteurs politiques du système de santé et les idéologies sur lesquelles ils se fondent, et sur cette base, d'examiner la manière dont les politiques mises en œuvre ont affecté la santé et la distribution de santé. En Thaïlande, la triade nationale "Nation-Bouddhisme-Roi" a imprégné toute la société, y compris le système de santé. Elle a également influencé les acteurs et les décideurs politiques qui ont conçu le système de protection sociale thaïlandais. Influencé par l'utilitarisme-nationalisme, le ministère de la Santé a privilégié l'efficacité plutôt que l'égalité, et a amélioré la santé de la population afin d'augmenter la croissance économique. Influencés par le bouddhisme, certains technocrates ont lancé des politiques de promotion de la santé, basées sur le concept de Karma, qui renforcent la responsabilité individuelle, mais ignorent les inégalités sociales. Les organisations caritatives royales ont fourni des soins de santé pour des groupes marginalisés, mais de nombreux patients n'ont toujours pas été traités. Grâce à ces acteurs, de nombreux indicateurs de santé de la population ont été améliorés, mais parallèlement les disparités de santé ont été renforcées. La réforme de la santé, lancée en 2001 par le parti Thai Rak Thai, a mis en place un nouveau programme d'assurance maladie qui fournit des soins de base à tous les Thaïlandais. Bien que de nombreux bilans aient confirmé la réduction des inégalités et l'amélioration de l'accès aux soins, certains groupes d'intérêts ont largement protesté. Ce nouveau programme, fondé sur l'égalité des chances et le droit à la santé, a involontairement défié les anciens acteurs et les anciennes idéologies. En conséquence, les conflits dans le système de santé et l'instabilité politique ont entravé le développement de nouvelles politiques de santé.
