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Cover -- Quartino -- Dedication -- Table of contents -- List of abbreviations -- Introduction -- Part I - Defining state secrecy -- Chapter 1 - State secrecy in domestic legal systems -- Chapter 2 - State secrecy in the international legal system -- Part II - State secrecy and the international protection of human rights -- Chapter 3 - State secrecy and treaty monitoring bodies'practice -- Chapter 4 - State secrecy beyond treaties: towards a customary norm prohibiting recourse to state secrecy to conceal gross human rights violations? -- Part III - Theoretical and practical issues arising from the horizoantal and vertical interaction among norms and legal orders -- Chapter 5 - From state to international organisation secrecy -- Chapter VI - To disclose or not to disclose state secrets? The dilemmas of interstate cooperation in the field of intelligence, diplomacy, and mutual legal assistence -- General conclusions -- Bibliography -- Printed by.

This paper aims to give a comprehensive picture of the objectives and perspectives behind the creation of the Central European Initiative (CEI). It also analyzes the role of CEI in the political, economic and social transition in the post-Socialist states. The article studies how CEI helped the integration of the Central European countries to the Western institutions, especially to the European Union (EU). The cooperation was founded in 1989 by Austria, Hungary, Italy, and Yugoslavia. It was unique and special in the era, as it had member states from totally different political and economic blocks. There are more approaches to explain the creation of this cooperation. According to the Liberal one, the founder states wished to create a flexible platform for the cooperation of countries from different blocks. This was also a political initiative to overcome on the divisions of bipolarity and the Cold War. The laid down political objectives in the official documents included the values represented by the European institutions. These values were adopted by the post-Socialist states. At the project level, the initiatives of CEI indirectly contributed to the economic and social transition in these countries. CEI and EU progressively built their close relations, and the support of EU integration became the mission of CEI. If we study the EU accessions in the region, we can state, CEI had a successful and important role in bringing closer the post-Socialist states to the EU.

L'articolo prende avvio dal contesto istituzionale delle biblioteche statali universitarie, di cui segue il percorso amministrativo e gestionale dall'istituzione del Ministero per i beni e le attività culturali fino ad oggi, passando per il decreto legislativo 112/1998 che ne definì i nuovi possibili assetti istituzionali all'interno degli atenei. Vengono sottolineati i principali compiti istituzionali e di servizio delle biblioteche statali universitarie, quali il supporto allo studio e alla ricerca, la conservazione e la tutela del patrimonio, la pubblica lettura. Si analizzano e si prospettano poi gli spazi d'interazione e di cooperazione possibili con gli atenei di riferimento e con le biblioteche dell'università per quel che riguarda la politica e la gestione degli acquisti (con particolare riferimento alle risorse elettroniche) e l'attività di informazione e formazione degli utenti.Data la crescente compressione di risorse umane e finanziarie che penalizza la gestione quotidiana delle biblioteche e si riverbera sull'intero ciclo amministrativo e gestionale – dalle attività di tutela e valorizzazione all'offerta culturale, ai servizi al pubblico – la collaborazione interistituzionale è oggi più che mai auspicabile. La pluralità di compiti e funzioni delle biblioteche statali universitarie da un lato contribuisce alla loro vitalità, ma dall'altro rappresenta un ulteriore elemento di criticità, a causa della difficoltà di distribuire risorse umane e finanziarie e di dare spazio e visibilità ai diversi profili istituzionali e di servizio. ; The article presents the institutional background of Italian State university libraries, from the establishment of the Italian Ministry of Culture to the present day – going through the last decade of the 20th century, when Legislative Decree 112/1998 proposed a new institutional organization of the State university libraries within the Universities. The main institutional and service tasks that State university libraries have to fulfil are supporting learning and research, preserving national heritage and providing proper spaces for public reading. The paper analyses the opportunities of interaction and cooperation with Universities and University libraries, as for – for instance – the purchasing policies (especially with regard to electronic resources) and the users' training and information sessions. Given the increasing compression of human and financial resources that hampers the daily management of libraries, inter-institutional cooperation nowadays is more desirable than ever. If on the one hand the plurality of tasks and functions of the State university libraries reinforces their vitality, on the other hand it adds an extra burden on the daily organisation and service management, because of the difficulty of arranging their human and financial resources and of giving the right space and visibility to their several institutional and service tasks.

Valamennyi tagállamra azonos szabályok vonatkoztak az európai integráció Maastricht előtti unitárius szerkezetében. Többsebességű integráció lehetséges a Gazdasági és Monetáris Unió rendszerében: különféle kormányzási modellek, bonyolult intézményi feltételek állnak fenn. Milyen változásokat hozhatna az "európai gazdasági kormányzás", illetve a "teljes" gazdasági unió kiépítése az EU intézményi szerkezetében? Hogyan alakulna e körülmények között az euróövezetbe tartozó, illetve az abból kimaradó tagállamok helyzete? Milyen eltérések lehetnek az egyes tagállamok között az uniós szabályok alkalmazásában? Milyen szerepet tölthet be a megerősített együttműködés a tagállamok szűkebb csoportjának mélyebb integrációjában? Hogyan alakulhat a mediterrán periféria, illetve a közép- és kelet-európai "új tagállamok" pozíciója? Többek között a fenti kérdésekre is választ kapunk a kötetben. = All member states were subject to the same rules in the pre-Maastricht unitary structure of European integration. Multi-speed integration is possible in the Economic and Monetary Union system: different governance models, complex institutional conditions. What changes could the construction of a "European economic governance" or a " full" economic union bring to the institutional structure of the EU? How would the situation of Member States in and out of the euro area evolve under these circumstances? What differences might there be between Member States in the application of EU rules? What role could enhanced cooperation play in the deeper integration of a narrower group of Member States? How might the position of the Mediterranean periphery and the "new Member States" of Central and Eastern Europe evolve? Among other things, these questions are answered in this volume.

On the whole we can claim that in the last almost sixty years there was a significant change in Croatian-Hungarian trans-border relationships. State-governed cooperation was replaced by project-controlled co-operations under the guidance of local-governments and the civil sphere. Unfortunately, stock and human workforce deficit very often obstructs success. Besides it is a permanent problem in our country that state politics has a great influence on local-government politics. So in a certain euroregion the success of operation highly depends on where the local-governments and civil organization belong to politically and on the leaders' ability to validate their interests. As a result of stock deficit mentioned previously project-based co-operations occurred.1 But these ad hoc project associations are not able and won't even be able to use union sources efficiently and generate any kind of long-term regional development. ; On the whole we can claim that in the last almost sixty years there was a significant change in Croatian-Hungarian trans-border relationships. State-governed cooperation was replaced by project-controlled co-operations under the guidance of local-governments and the civil sphere. Unfortunately, stock and human workforce deficit very often obstructs success. Besides it is a permanent problem in our country that state politics has a great influence on local-government politics. So in a certain euroregion the success of operation highly depends on where the local-governments and civil organization belong to politically and on the leaders' ability to validate their interests. As a result of stock deficit mentioned previously project-based co-operations occurred.1 But these ad hoc project associations are not able and won't even be able to use union sources efficiently and generate any kind of long-term regional development.

This dissertation represents an attempt to find out whether and to what extent transatlantic economic cooperation has been institutionalized in the last decade. More broadly, it is also a review of trade relations between the European Union and the United States in the past twenty years. Firstly, my claim is that the institutionalization of practices like trade dialogues and/or fora after the New Transatlantic Agenda had a weak impact on how transatlantic actors govern their respective economic ties. Consideration is given to both 'who' governs in transatlantic relations (either state and non-state actors) and 'how', as evidence is sought either in official documents and case-studies to prove or disprove the claim that a "re-centralisation" of decision-making powers has resulted in less 'policy setting' and 'policy shaping' by lower level civil servants and non-state actors. Moreover, another key issue is what drove the overall design and strategy of trade and economic relations forward, on both sides of the Atlantic. Extensive use of case studies, process-tracing, and interviews is applied to a wide range of topics, covering the period from the establishment of the New Transatlantic Agenda until the re-launch of the partnership with the Transatlantic Economic Council (TEC) in 2007. A particular attention is devoted to public opinion as an explanatory variable. Trade undisputedly reflects better than any other topic the determinants and features of decision-making, and shows how strongly they are shaped by a variety of factors. Non-tariff barriers to trade are one of the most important limits to transatlantic dialogue, especially in sectors such as food products, health, chemicals or data privacy. The role of private actors in (re)shaping regulatory standards is increased for example during current negotiations in Brussels and in Washington for the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership. Finally, policy-making in the transatlantic sphere is adjusted to the needs and exigencies of the different relevant actors. Therefore, the peculiarity of the topic I am going to present can not be treated as if it was simply a matter of institutions, rational choices and bargaining. Policies are a result of a complex web of interactions, which can be framed by theories and are shaped by ideas and norms, as it will be shown in the theoretical part. I assume that political decisions can be explained by looking both at the different levels to which they are agreed upon and at the different factors they may be influenced by.

This paper explores how Britain's and Colombia's privileged relations with the United States (U.S.) influenced their journey through the European Community (EC) and the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR). The Anglo–American Special Relationship (AASR) was compatible with British participation in the European Single Market, but not with adherence to creating the EC's common currency, nor with leadership in building a European defence structure autonomous from NATO. Thus, since the start of the Iraq war, Britain played a rather obstructive role in what later was called European Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). The US–Colombia Partnership (USCP), based on a longstanding military association reinforced under Plan Colombia, naturally discouraged any meaningful Colombian participation in UNASUR's South American Security Council (CDS), a regional cooperative security project, promoted by Brazil. Cherished projects of the liberal CAP – such as triangular cooperation (to export Colombian security expertise to Central America with U.S. co-financing and oversight) and NATO partnership – also distracted Colombia's interest from UNASUR, diminishing the latter's relevance collaterally. A role for UNASUR – alongside the Organization of American States (OAS) – in South American security management was compatible with the liberal CAP, but not with the neoconservative CAP. Even a lopsided complementation – such as the one between NATO and the CSDP – proved unviable between the OAS and UNASUR.

Gli ultimi anni hanno visto importanti cambiamenti positivi nella cooperazione interstatale in Asia centrale. Crescenti minacce come il terrorismo internazionale, l'estremismo religioso e politico, il traffico di droga, ecc, causati dagli interessi geopolitici e geo-economici delle potenze mondiali, hanno contribuito alla formazione di una politica estera più coordinata e coerente degli Stati della regione. Questo processo si manifesta nella partecipazione attiva dell'istituzionalizzazione della Shanghai Organizzazione del Commonwealth (SOC), Conferenza sulle misure di costruzione d'interazione e fiducia in Asia (CICA) e Organizzazione del Trattato di Sicurezza Collettiva (CSTO). Problemi moderni di sicurezza in Asia centrale dovrebbero essere risolti in dei nuovi modi, non convenzionali. Le nuove minacce alla sicurezza richiedono modi non standard per risolvere il problema. Considerate le differenze fondamentali dell'Unione europea e degli Stati dell'Asia centrale nei valori e dal punto di vista in materia di sicurezza. I paesi dell'Asia centrale non sono pronti per l'integrazione politica. Nonostante questo, nell'Asia centrale sono state adottate misure per contrastare le minacce non convenzionali. L'esperienza europea di unire gli sforzi della regione per garantire la sicurezza interna, può essere utilizzata dai paesi dell'Asia centrale, soprattutto, in primo luogo sulla formazione del quadro istituzionale e giuridico per la cooperazione operativa delle forze dell'ordine per le seguenti aree: • prevenzione del traffico di droga attraverso gli Stati dell'Asia centrale; • lotta contro nuove forme di terrorismo ed estremismo; • limitare la dimensione della migrazione clandestina; • migliorare la protezione giuridica dei cittadini. Fino a poco tempo fa, questi temi hanno ricevuto poca attenzione, sia nella teoria sia nella pratica, poiché i problemi di sicurezza della società erano principalmente ridotti per evitare il pericolo di guerra. ; Recent years have seen major positive changes in interstate cooperation in Central Asia. Growing threats such as international terrorism, religious extremism and political, drug trafficking, etc., caused by geopolitical and geo-economic interests of the world powers, have contributed to the formation of a more coordinated and coherent foreign policy of states in the region. This process is manifested in the active participation of the institutionalization of the Shanghai Organization of the Commonwealth (SOC), Conference on measures of interaction and confidence building in Asia (CICA) and the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO). Modern problems of security in Central Asia should be solved in new ways, unconventional. The new security threats require non-standard ways to solve the problem. Given the fundamental differences of the European Union and Central Asian states in the values and in terms of safety. The Central Asian countries are not ready for integration policy. Despite this, in Central Asia have been taken to counter unconventional threats. The European experience to join efforts in the region to ensure internal security, can be used by Central Asian countries, especially in the first place on the formation of the institutional and legal framework for operational cooperation of law enforcement for the following areas: • prevention of drug trafficking through Central Asian states; • fight against new forms of terrorism and extremism; • limit the scale of illegal migration; • improve the legal protection of citizens. Until recently, these issues have received little attention, both in theory and in practice, since the security problems of the company were mainly reduced to avoid the danger of war.

It is becoming increasingly common that digital evidence relevant to criminal proceedings is not located in the State in which the crime was committed, but it is spread in the cloud computing, and it can be accessed only thanks to the intervention of the service providers that hold it. In such cases traditional instruments of judicial cooperation enter into crisis, since it can become very difficult to identify an executing State to which the evidence requests can be addressed. Hence the idea, implemented by a proposal for a European Union regulation, to create a channel of direct cooperation between the judicial authorities interested in acquiring the evidence and the providers, who would be responsible for verifying that the evidence requests respect the Charter of Nice. The result, however, is the privatization of an activity traditionally reserved to public bodies: a worrying paradigm shift that could put fundamental rights in serious danger. ; È sempre più frequente che le prove digitali rilevanti ai fini di un procedimento penale non siano localizzate nello Stato di commissione del reato, ma si trovino disperse nel cloud, risultando accessibili solo grazie all'intervento dei service provider che le detengono. In casi del genere i tradizionali strumenti di cooperazione giudiziaria entrano in crisi, poiché può diventare molto difficile individuare uno Stato di esecuzione a cui rivolgere le richieste istruttorie. Di qui l'idea, recepita da una proposta di regolamento dell'Unione Europea, di creare un canale di cooperazione diretta fra le autorità giudiziarie interessate all'acquisizione delle prove e i provider, a cui spetterebbe verificare che le richieste istruttorie rispettino la Carta di Nizza. Ne deriverebbe, però, la privatizzazione di un'attività tradizionalmente riservata ad organi pubblici: un preoccupante cambio di paradigma che rischia di porre in serio pericolo i diritti fondamentali. ; É cada vez mais frequente que as provas digitais relevantes para um processo penal não sejam localizadas no ...