Governance is presented by undefined and confused areas that tend to expand in a more or less arbitrary way in the absence of stable and reliable normative standards. All this calls into question concepts and recompositive monolithic categories of modern political-legal rationality and in the first place sovereignty. At the same time the current neo-governmental structure does not stand as a technology of power, exclusionary or alternative to other rationalities, but rather it tends to bring out all the contradictions and ambiguities of the present time. ; La gobernanza es presentada por áreas confusas e indefinidas que tienden a expandirse de una manera más o menos arbitraria en ausencia de estándares normativos estables y confiables. Todo esto pone en cuestión conceptos y categorías monolíticas recompositivas de moderna racionalidad política-legal y en primer lugar de la soberanía. Al mismo tiempo, la estructura neogubernamental actual no se sostiene como una tecnología de poder excluyente o alternativa a otras racionalidades, sino que tiende a llevar a cabo todas las contradicciones y ambigüedades del tiempo presente.
En el presente texto se analiza la semántica de la governance, el proceso de deconstitucionalización del mando, y la reconfiguración del léxico y de las categorías fundamentales de la política a partir de la de-soberanización y de la gubernamentalización de dispositivos institucionales y normativos. Para ello, se vincula reconstrucción genealógica y descripción analítica, las líneas fundamentales de articulación del debate politológico y la obra de Michel Foucault.
El presente artículo propone enfocar la contracción del papel económico de los gobiernos nacionales en favor de los mercados, uno de los aspectos más evidentes de una evolución aún en camino, teniendo en cuenta el debate más general sobre las interacciones entre globalización y crisis del Estado nacional. La transformación cualitativa y debido a muchos factores de la economía mundial ha producido una comprensión de la soberanía que pone interesantes dudas acerca del futuro del Estado nacional, relacionado a la evolución de la sociedad civil globalizada. Entre las causas de estos cambios hay que mencionar las innovaciones tecnológicas, las definiciones de una nueva dimensión del capital financiero que incluya los términos de las transacciones y las estrategias de los operadores del sector, que afectan a los modelos de gestión de las instituciones públicas, la internacionalización y la multinacionalización del mercado y de las empresas. La gobernanza global, es decir la necesidad de "gobernar" la globalización a través de la introducción de relaciones más estables y eficientes entre los Estados nacionales, parece al autor la mejor opción en el ámbito de las relaciones internacionales y de la protección de los ciudadanos. ; The essay proposes itself, mantaining the most general terms of the debate about the interactions between globalization and Nation-State crysis, as a focus on one of the most evident aspects in an evolutive process still ongoing: the resize of the economic role played by national governments for the benefit of the markets. The change in terms of quality of the global economy forced by an happening of many factors like technological innovation, the definition of a new dimension of the financial capital in which the terms of transactions and strategies of the operators strongly influence the management models of the government, the internationalization and the multinationalization of markets and companies, has created at the same time a compression of that sovereignty which asks some interesting questions about the future of the Nation-State, also in relation to the evolution of global society. The "global governance", that is, the need to rule the globalization by starting more stable and more efficient bridging forms between Nation-States, seems to be, to the author, the best answer in terms of international relations and protection of citizens. ; peerReviewed
This article analyzes the civil society dimension and pays particular attention to the role of civil society's organizations within the EU's Eastern Partnership's governance and networking processes. The study is based on the EU's documents' analysis and the data of qualitative interviews conducted between 2011-2014 from the respondents of the EU's institutions (European Commission, EEAS, EP), member states' representations in Brussels, and the members of the Eastern Partnership civil society forum created in 2009. The study shows that the representatives of civil society organizations are seeking to be involved and are existent in most of the stages and interactional modes of the EU's relations with the Eastern Partnership countries, and this process predicts the conditions for the emergence of international governance in the Eastern neighborhood space. On the other hand, the representatives of CSOs are complaining about not being involved enough in the negotiations deciding over the Association or other kind of agreements between the EU and their (EaP) country.
This article analyzes the civil society dimension and pays particular attention to the role of civil society's organizations within the EU's Eastern Partnership's governance and networking processes. The study is based on the EU's documents' analysis and the data of qualitative interviews conducted between 2011-2014 from the respondents of the EU's institutions (European Commission, EEAS, EP), member states' representations in Brussels, and the members of the Eastern Partnership civil society forum created in 2009. The study shows that the representatives of civil society organizations are seeking to be involved and are existent in most of the stages and interactional modes of the EU's relations with the Eastern Partnership countries, and this process predicts the conditions for the emergence of international governance in the Eastern neighborhood space. On the other hand, the representatives of CSOs are complaining about not being involved enough in the negotiations deciding over the Association or other kind of agreements between the EU and their (EaP) country.
ABSTRACT: This article, written by Vesna Čopič, Andrej Srakar and Jordi Baltà, examines recent literature in the field of cultural governance, with particular emphasis on its implications for local cultural policies.Keywords: Cultural governance, cultural policy, cities, local governments, decentralisation, governance.-RESUM: Aquest article, escrit per Vesna Čopič, Andrej Srakar i Jordi Baltà, analitza la bibliografia recent en l'àmbit de la governança cultural, amb especial èmfasi sobre les seues conseqüències en les polítiques culturals locals.Paraules clau: governança cultural, política cultural, ciutats, administracions locals, descentralització, governança.-RESUMEN: Este artículo, escrito por Vesna Čopič, Andrej Srakar y Jordi Baltà, examina la bibliografía reciente en el ámbito de la gobernanza cultural, con especial atención a sus repercusiones en las políticas culturales locales. Palabras clave: gobernanza cultural, política cultural, ciudades, administraciones locales, descentralización, gobernanza.
This article analyzes the civil society dimension and pays particular attention to the role of civil society's organizations within the EU's Eastern Partnership's governance and networking processes. The study is based on the EU's documents' analysis and the data of qualitative interviews conducted between 2011-2014 from the respondents of the EU's institutions (European Commission, EEAS, EP), member states' representations in Brussels, and the members of the Eastern Partnership civil society forum created in 2009. The study shows that the representatives of civil society organizations are seeking to be involved and are existent in most of the stages and interactional modes of the EU's relations with the Eastern Partnership countries, and this process predicts the conditions for the emergence of international governance in the Eastern neighborhood space. On the other hand, the representatives of CSOs are complaining about not being involved enough in the negotiations deciding over the Association or other kind of agreements between the EU and their (EaP) country.
Legal measures and instruments that assess the technological risks are becoming increasingly important and controversial. In this article I propose that currently many conflicts over technological risks are not because there is no regulation, but because there is a generalization of policies based on science. The explanation is that the evaluation uses a misleading conception of scientific knowledge. Science for governing society requires a previous reflection on the dynamics of knowledge and its government. ; La respuesta a los efectos no deseados de la tecnología ha consolidado un amplio conjunto de bases legales e instrumentos análiticos ligados a la evaluación de los riesgos. Este artículo plantea que buena parte de las controversias sobre los riesgos tecnológicos más que a la ausencia de su regulación se debe paradójicamente a la generalización de las políticas basadas en la ciencia. En el origen encontramos una concepción equívoca del conocimiento científico. La ciencia como gobierno de la sociedad requiere previamente una reflexión sobre las dinámicas del conocimiento y su gobierno.
International Relations teeters on the edge of an abyss of irrelevance. As an academic pursuit it has become disparate and fragmented. We have ceased to pursue greater clarity in the way that we understand the world around us; moreover, we have failed as agents of change -that is, as purveyors of opinion and proposals about a better and fairer world order. As such, we no longer serve our students and those practitioners who seek our advice. The text outlines why and how International Relations teeters on the edge of an abyss. It offers a proposal for moving beyond the fragmentation and atomization that afflicts international relations. The third part argues that global governance offers an opportunity to return to these questions. Adapted from the source document.
Sustainable use of forest resources is needed to establish a forestry management plan. Forest management plans exist at the provincial level according to the conditions and problems. Forestry planning at Provincial level depicts current forest conditions, institutional conditions, the contribution of economy, social and ecology associated with the provincial level strategic issues. This paper tries to elaborate the local development planning of forestry from good governance perspective, and role of stakeholders of local development forest planning. The research was based on qualitative descriptive approach to the study site in the province of Yogyakarta and West Papua. The result shows that forest planning in the region is top-down with respect to existing regional characteristics. To realize the principles of good governance, a gap for each stakeholder role in the arrangement, implementation, monitoring and evaluation to reporting should be made. The role of government in the area of forestry development planning in terms of good governance, the rule of law for the regulation in the forestry sector has been completed. Partnership is the key word synergy in the implementation of good governance in forestry development in the area will attention to the aspects of partnership and equity between all stakeholders in the arrangement, implementation, monitoring and evaluation and reporting of forest development.Keyword: Planning, Forestry, Good Governance, patnership
The executive branch of the government of Puerto Rico carries out its operations through two distinct sets of administrative structures. On the one hand, there are theagencies and departments, such as the Justice and the Treasury departments, which constitute the "central government" of the Commonwealth. On the other hand, there are the state-owned enterprises, commonly known as "public corporations" in Puerto Rico, which constitute what we may call the "other" central government of Puerto Rico. ; La rama ejecutiva del gobierno de Puerto Rico lleva a cabo sus operaciones a través de dos conjuntos distintos de estructuras administrativas. Por un lado, están las agencias y departamentos, como los departamentos de Justicia y Hacienda, que constituyen el "gobierno central" del Estado Libre Asociado. Por otro lado, están las empresas estatales, comúnmente conocidas como "corporaciones públicas" en Puerto Rico, que constituyen lo que podemos llamar el "otro" gobierno central de Puerto Rico.
One of the more fascinating themes of the present debate about the role of the state in international relations is represented by the concept of human security. This concept was first introduced in the Human Development Report published in 1994 by the UNDP as one of the five pillars of a new "people-centred world order". In my contribution i will present the salient traits of theories of human security and security governance that operate on the foundation of proposals for global security in the official documents by UN, UNDP, OSCE in order to interprete human security as a part of a wider neo-liberal governmentality, putting both individuals and collectivities "at work" in a search for an economic self-governance. ; Uno de los temas más fascinantes del presente debate acerca del papel del estado en las relaciones internacionales está representada por el concepto de la seguridad humana. Este concepto fue introducido por primera vez en el Informe sobre desarrollo Humano publicado por el UNDP en 1994 como uno de los cinco pilares de un nuevo "orden mundial centrado en las personas". En mi intervención voy a presentar los rasgos sobresalientes de las teorías de la seguridad humana y la gestión de la seguridad que operan sobre la base de las propuestas de la seguridad global en los documentos oficiales de la ONU, el UNDP y la OSCE, a fin de interpretar la seguridad humana como parte de un contexto más amplio de la gubernamentalidad neoliberal colocando tanto individuos y colectividades "en el trabajo" en una búsqueda de una auto-gobernanza económica.
The functions and powers of local self-governance are broadly discussed at all levels of government institutions, non-governmental organizations and communities. There is an expressed position that local communities and their local self-governing institutions should be given the power of subsidiary decision making in locally specific issues. However, year after year, the unanimous attitude is suppressed by financial and fiscal dependence upon the central government, unreasonably large territorial units with high population density. These circumstances limit down the decision-making and, moreover, the implementation of the decisions. From this point of view, the financial and fiscal powers of local self-governing institutions and, consequently, the decision-making strata are significantly different from those in other Baltic and Central European countries, as well as Scandinavian states. This article deals with the analysis of local self-governing administration in terms of its fiscal and financial empowerment, the size of the local communities and its impact on decision-making. A comparison is drawn with Scandinavian, central European and Baltic countries. ; Lietuvos vietos savivaldos funkcionavimo bei jos galių klausimu daug diskutuojama įvairių lygių valdžios institucijose, visuomeninėse organizacijose, bendruomenėse. Vieningai pritariama, jog būtina suteikti didesnes galias pačioms bendruomenėms bei jų išrinktoms vietos valdžios institucijoms spręsti tas problemas, kurias jos geriausiai išmano (subsidiarumas). Deja, metai iš metų, kalbant apie vietos savivaldos galių didinimą, nesikeičia vietos savivaldos finansinė ir fiskalinė priklausomybė nuo centrinės valdžios, lieka nepagrįstai dideli savivaldybių teritorijos dydžiai (gyventojų kiekis). Tai lemia ribotas sprendimų priėmimo galimybes, jau priimtų sprendimų įgyvendinimą. Lietuvos vietos savivaldos finansinis ir fiskalinis savarankiškumas bei iš to sekanti sprendimų priėmimo galimybė gerokai skiriasi nuo kitų Baltijos bei Vidurio Europos ir Skandinavijos valstybių. Šis straipsnis skirtas mūsų valstybės vietos savivaldos fiskalinio bei finansinio savarankiškumo bei savivaldybių dydžių palyginti su Skandinavijos, Vidurio Europos ir Baltijos valstybėmis nulemtai sprendimų priėmimo galių analizei.
