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Frederick Levi Attenborough (1887-1973) studied at Cambridge and was a Fellow of Emmanuel College between 1920 and 1925. He later became the Principal of University College, Leicester. In 1922 Cambridge University Press published his edition of the early Anglo-Saxon laws, with a facing-page modern English translation. A few years earlier, Felix Lieberman had published his monumental three-volume Die Gesetze der Angelsachsen, which is still the definitive specialist edition of the laws (as Attenborough rightly predicted), and which is also reissued in the Cambridge Library Collection. Attenborough explains that his work is for social and legal historians who do not read German, or do not require the full critical apparatus and contextual material provided by Lieberman. Attenborough's book covers the laws from Aethelbert to Aethelstan; in 1925 Cambridge published a continuation by Agnes Robertson, The Laws of the Kings of England from Edmund to Henry I, which is also available

This edition of the laws promulgated by successive Anglo-Saxon rulers over a period of five centuries was published in three volumes between 1903 and 1916 by the German historian Felix Lieberman (1851-1925), and is still regarded as authoritative. This unique body of early medieval legal writing, unparalleled in other Germanic languages, provides valuable source material for scholars of Old English and of legal history, and Lieberman's thorough engagement with the manuscripts has never been surpassed. His preface explains that owing to factors such as the extreme variability of Old English orthography, and the existence of both Latin and Old English versions of the same material, a traditional edition using just one base manuscript with a critical apparatus would have been too unwieldy. Volume 1 introduces the manuscripts, and gives several parallel versions of each text in Old English and Latin with a facing translation into modern German. Frederick Attenborough's The Laws of the Early English Kings (1922) is also reissued in this series

This edition of the laws promulgated by successive Anglo-Saxon rulers over a period of five centuries was published in three volumes between 1903 and 1916 by the German historian Felix Lieberman (1851-1925), and is still regarded as authoritative. This unique body of early medieval legal writing, unparalleled in other Germanic languages, provides valuable source material for scholars of Old English and of legal history, and Lieberman's thorough engagement with the manuscripts has never been surpassed. Volume 3 provides introductions to each set of laws presented in Volume 1, and detailed line-by-line explanatory notes that complement the dictionary and glossary of terms found in Volume 2. Frederick Attenborough's The Laws of the Early English Kings (1922), providing a modern English translation of early Anglo-Saxon laws, is also reissued in this series

This edition of the laws promulgated by successive Anglo-Saxon rulers over a period of five centuries was published in three volumes between 1903 and 1916 by the German historian Felix Lieberman (1851-1925), and is still regarded as authoritative. This unique body of early medieval legal writing, unparalleled in other Germanic languages, provides valuable source material for scholars of Old English and of legal history, and Lieberman's thorough engagement with the manuscripts has never been surpassed. Volume 2 contains a dictionary of the Old English, Latin and French words found in the texts in Volume 1. The dictionary is presented in one alphabetical sequence, and is followed by a German glossary of legal terms listing references in the texts, other medieval works and later scholarship. Frederick Attenborough's The Laws of the Early English Kings (1922), providing a modern English translation of early Anglo-Saxon laws, is also reissued in this series

Indonesia's ethics and political decency were torn apart in the case of the Democratic Party's internal conflict. This is due to the existence of an element of the government as a regulator who took over the position of the general chairman of the Democratic Party. News about this internal conflict appeared in various constructions by print mass media, electronic radio, television, and online media. The purpose of this study was to determine the social construction of Suara.com's coverage of the Extraordinary Congress (KLB) of the Democratic Party. For this reason, discourse theory and the social construction of reality are used. The research method analyzes text media framing model Zhongdang Pan-Gerald M. Kosicki. The research subject is the Suara.com news portal, while the research object is related to the Extraordinary Democratic Party Congress from March 5 to March 31, 2021. The research results from the syntactic structure, Suara.com journalists provide a portion, which does not feature one party and reports publicly about the Extraordinary Democratic Party Congress equally from both camps. The script written fully with 5W+1H from both sides is not directed and deserves to be read. Thematic structure, facts are written based on information from both parties. Some are sourced from written statements and analysts from political experts. The rhetorical system, the choice of words or style to emphasize the meaning from both sides, is balanced by the photos shown. Suara.com packaged and framed the news of the Extraordinary Democratic Party Congress by not highlighting the Moeldoko and Agus Harimurti Yudhoyono (AHY) camps but emphasizing the moral hazard aspect in political behavior. With this construction, Suara.com continues to voice the public interest rather than the interests of the capital owners or their political alliances.

This essay takes as its focal point the emergence of the development-security nexus, which reproblematised underdevelopment as inherently dangerous. Conflict, having been rediscovered post-Cold War as an ethno-cultural war waged by civilians within states, was internalised within various forms of scarcity to render the underdeveloped prone to violence In light of this, the main contention of this paper is that development is not a problem of security, but an artificially constructed discourse, which generates further insecurity for people living in the Global South. By employing the Foucauldian theory of biopolitics as methodology to demonstrate that the concept of development is a reductionist and colonial disciplinary technique, which creates the underdeveloped. The present study will refer to colonial Jamaica as an example of this. Subsequently, an analysis will be provided in relation to human security, which will be defined as a technology of governance, a method of ruling over the populace of the Global South. Illustrative of this will be Mozambique, post-1992. Lastly, the study will show how the masses have been construed into political consent of development as a problem of security.

The Military Campaign is a series of several joint operations carried out sequentially, to achieve strategic and operational goals in a space and time (TNI 2019). This study aims to a). To analyze the implementation of Kogabwilhan I military operations in support of the military campaign in the Natuna region. b) To analyze the Riau Islands Provincial Government in support of the military campaign. c) To analyze the integration strategy of Kogabwilhan I and the Riau Islands Provincial Government in carrying out the military campaign. This study uses a qualitative method. Data collection techniques are interviews, observations and documentation studies. Research Results 1) Kogabwilhan I served as initial action, restorer, and deterrent according to the policy of the Commander-in-Chief. 2) the functions of the Riau Islands Government include security, economic development and infrastructure. 3). The implementation of territorial development activities through the Komsos method with community components. Discussion of the concept of the Kogabwilhan I military campaign in the implementation of the state's Strategic framework to determine goals in national defense and security efforts and develop national resources including the military, but to achieve this the context is also determined by community relations that support and intertwine activities between civilians and the military so that soldiers can love and respect loved by the people and awakened awareness of defending the country. Cooperation is defined as a form of social process to achieve common goals by helping each other and understanding each other's activities. So the implementation of the Defense Area Empowerment policy with the support of the Riau Islands community built a close and positive emotional relationship between soldiers and the community

This paper examines the impact of undecided voters in elections campaigns in Israel. The question asked here is if undecided voters can break the political dead-lock which became evident in four consecutive elections in just two years – between 2019 and 2021. The paper argues that the crucial role of undecided voters is the result of four main developments. The first is the multi-party parliamentary system, which allows the voters to swing between different parties and influence on handful of options to form coalition government. The parliamentary system emphasizes the excessive and crucial role of small parties to determine who will be in power – which means that they are in a position to impose their extreme ideology on the entire society. The second is that participation in elections is constantly declining, increasing the impact of motivated voters who follow the campaigns closely before making their final decision. The fact that this audience is persuaded by specific events and not by ideology or social identity allows to maximize the impact of their vote. The third is related to technological and cultural changes. Digital and social media have become popular among Israeli young people and first time voters, allowing them to promote new social and political behavior and bypass the censorship of traditional media and the traditional ideology of non-first time voters and the old political establishment.

This study aims to examine administrative efforts as Premium Remidium in the settlement of State Administrative disputes (TUN) in Indonesia. In particular, the discussion in this study regarding administrative efforts as a premium remidium in state administration disputes in Indonesia, the legal consequences of not carrying out administrative efforts by the plaintiffs, and discussing the advantages and disadvantages of implementing administrative efforts in the settlement of state administration dispute. The research method used in this research was normative juridical and used secondary data consisting of laws related to government administration as the primary material and secondary legal materials, namely literature related to research problems. Based on the results of the study, it is known that administrative efforts are the premium remedy (main drug) in the settlement of state administration disputes in Indonesia. The legal consequences that arise when the settlement of the state administration dispute is not preceded by administrative efforts but directly submits a lawsuit to the Administrative Court, namely the lawsuit can be declared not accepted by the judges. Administrative efforts have advantages and disadvantages related to the state administrative dispute resolution mechanism in Indonesia.

The sharp increase in the number of new COVID-19 cases in late 2021 and early 2022, which is associated with the spread of a new strain of coronavirus - omicron - is of great concern and makes it necessary to make at least approximate forecasts for the pandemic dynamics of the epidemic. As this rapid growth occurs even in countries with high levels of vaccinations, the question arises as to their effectiveness. The smoothed daily number of new cases and deaths per capita and the ratio of these characteristics were used to reveal the appearance of new coronavirus strains and to estimate the effectiveness of quarantine, testing and vaccination. The third year of the pandemic allowed us to compare the pandemic dynamics in the period from September 2020 to January 2021 with the same period one year later for Ukraine, EU, the UK, USA, India, Brazil, South Africa, Argentina, Australia, and in the whole world. Record numbers of new cases registered in late 2021 and early 2022 once again proved that existing vaccines cannot prevent new infections, and vaccinated people can spread the infection as intensively as non-vaccinated ones. Fortunately, the daily number of new cases already diminishes in EU, the UK, USA, South Africa, and Australia. In late January - early February 2022, the maximum averaged numbers of new cases are expected in Brazil, India, EU, and worldwide. Omicron waves can increase the numbers of deaths per capita, but in highly vaccinated countries, the deaths per case ratio significantly decreases. Highlights: Vaccinated persons can get and pass the new coronavirus variants. The probability of death is much lower for vaccinated persons.

: Indonesia has potential in cooperation on the intermission of UN peacekeeping tasks, although the need for UN intermission does not occur frequently (incidentally), but it needs to be prepared in order to anticipate opportunities and challenges in the development of the situation in UN PKOs, as has happened to the Indonesian Armed Forces Engineer Company Taskforce/Garuda Contingent. XXXII-C, through a decision-making mechanism based on the UN Resolution in UN PKOs to carry out the intermission of peacekeeping tasks from Haiti to Central Africa (2014-2015). The Kizi Taskforce TNI/Konga XXXIIC/MINUSTAH or Konga XXXVII-A/MINUSCA, can complete their duties as UN peacekeepers on duty at the UN Mission in MINUSTAH - Haiti and carry out UN Peace Task Intermissions in MINUSCA, in order to prepare missions in the African Republic Center (CAR). On this "rare" opportunity, the UN intermission process can be carried out properly through effective diplomacy and negotiations, so that the TNI/Konga XXXII-C Kizi Taskforce can carry out tasks in two different missions at once. And on this occasion, the researcher tries to explore the data in the form of a research entitled "Implementation of the United Nations Peacekeeping Taskforce; Case Study of Intermission of Satga IEC/Konga XXXII-C from Haiti to Central Africa (2014-2015)", In this study, I tried to explain the mechanism and implementation of the UN peacekeeping mission, accompanied by various challenges and obstacles faced in the area of operation. as well as the steps and efforts taken to overcome them, so that the task of ending the mission of the IEC/Garuda contingent in Haiti and the reopening of the UN mission in the Central African Republic can take place safely and smoothly. The researcher explored this research, considering that this form of intermission assignment rarely occurs, not only in the IEC Taskforce/Garuda Contingent, but also in UN peacekeeping operations.

The term "freedom of expression" is quite broad and holistic. It includes, within its ambit, not only the conventional freedom of speech and freedom of media, but also the freedom of thoughts, cultural expression, conscience, and intellectual inquiry. Freedom of expression ensures an individual's right to express his/her views openly within the domain of constitution, which also contains the right to be criticial of the prevailing injustices, illegal, anti-social activities, and incompetence and failure of ¬¬¬the government. All this is with a guarantee of safety and without any apprehension or fear of retaliation. Freedom of expression, in contemporary times, also embraces the right to be informed and seek information by the public, to express opinions, and advocate amendments, including changing the regime without resorting to violent means through peaceful measures available in the public domain, with reasonable restrictions. In the past decade and half, Turkish experience as a transitional democracy presents an interesting case study to explain as to how the state of freedom of expression is causally related to the failure of the EU-driven reform process undertaken by the ruling AKP (Turkish: Adaletve Kalkınma Partisi) since the year 2002, when the party won the Parliamentary elections in Turkey for the first time. The issue about the press freedom and freedom of expression in Turkey has for very long time, attracted a great amount of scholarly attention and provoked extensive debate both inside and outside Turkey. Although Turkey remains one of the rare democracy in the West Asia, a region with strong monarchic and semi-monarchic tradition of government, a series of development in the past years has raised several interrogations about the qualitative and quantitative aspects of democracy in Turkey under the AKP.

Myanmar is currently faced with conflicts mainly considered as crimes against humanity that require resolution sooner or later. The conflict in Myanmar is closely linked to ethnicity, creating a cycle of violence that continues to escalate without any possibility of diminishing. The inability of the state to address ethnic minority grievances or provide adequate security to communities has created a literal arms race among minority groups. More action needs to be taken to finally resolve the situation and crisis unfolding in Myanmar, and that is where countries in Southeast Asia play a very important role for conflict resolution. This research was carried out using qualitative method with descriptive analysis regarding to the situation that occurred in Myanmar, especially regarding the Rohingya crisis and the Myanmar Military Coup which was the focus of the research. The escalation of the humanitarian conflict and the deprivation of democracy by the Myanmar people, requires joint handling in order to avoid further expansion of the conflict. In this case, neighboring countries such as Indonesia have an important role as a driver of mediation in regional forums to resolve conflicts in Myanmar. ASEAN, as a diplomatic platform in the Southeast Asian region, must be put forward and reach a consensus for finally intervening in the Myanmar conflict, which is taking more and more lives. The United Nations with the principle of responsibility to protect can also play a role in overcoming the conflict, considering that the conflict has resulted in crimes against humanity that cannot be tolerated.

The purpose of this is to study scrutinizes the dispute of gender discrimination, and how discriminated female employees incline towards interpersonal and organizational deviance. With quantitative approach, the data is collected through close-ended questionnaires on the adopted instruments of the sample size of 332, and these questionnaires were distributed among female employees working in public organizations. Structural equation modelling was performed to test the multi path regression analysis by using Smart-PLS software. Results show that there is impact of gender discrimination on both, interpersonal deviance and organizational deviance, where as lack of trust plays mediating role in these relations. The study recommends devising more surveillance plans to hamper gender discrimination as it creates menace, in the shape of drastic deviance, in social and organizational set up.