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While conservatives tend to doubt the inherent morality of human nature & seek to maintain tradition, & liberals tend to believe in the inherent morality of human nature & seek beneficial change, these positions are reversed when the topic is environmentalism. This unexpected reversal may stem from the liberal tendency to see human beings as a part of nature, from the conservative tendency to see humans as separate from nature, or from a conservative notion that Adam Smith's idea of an "invisible hand" may apply in nature as well as in economics. It is argued that conservatives might favor environmental protection more than they currently do if they were able to recognize that the natural world is just as complex & fragile as the social world. D. Weibel

This article uses events in May 1985 surrounding the de-selection of the Conservative chair of the Wiltshire Education Committee and her role in the campaign for comprehensive education in Salisbury, England, to pose questions about the representation of women who championed causes deemed to be progressive and to raise issues about how gender analysis is dealt with in such accounts. The article develops a frame of analysis that moves beyond the 'heroic fairytale' in ascribing agency to women, while also revealing the operation of power structures in which they manoeuvred. A frame of analysis is outlined, based on Bourdieu's thinking tools of fields, habitus and capital. These are linked with the notion of gender scripts to demonstrate the complexities and contradictions of the story of Joan Main, chair of Wiltshire education committee, and her simultaneous location inside/outside the Conservative political field and the field of local government. Bourdieu's thinking tools and the notion of gender scripts are also used to demonstrate ways in which gender was an unspoken power relation in the events surrounding Main's de-selection and in her ability to gain re-election as an independent candidate.

In this paper, we challenge the claim that an independent conservative central bank strengthens the likelihood of a conservative government. In contrast, if an election is based on the comparative advantages of the candidates, an inflation-averse central banker can deter the chances of a conservative candidate because once inflation is removed, its comparative advantage in the fight against inflation disappears. We develop a theory based on a policy-mix game with electoral competition, predicting that the chances of a conservative (i.e., inflation-averse) party is reduced in the presence of tighter monetary policy. To test this prediction, we examine monthly data of British political history between 1960 and 2015. We show that a 1 percentage point increase in the interest rate in the 10 months prior to a national election decreases the popularity of a Tory government by approximately 0.75 percentage points relative to its trend.

In this paper, we challenge the claim that an independent conservative central bank strengthens the likelihood of a conservative government. In contrast, if an election is based on the comparative advantages of the candidates, an inflation-averse central banker can deter the chances of a conservative candidate because once inflation is removed, its comparative advantage in the fight against inflation disappears. We develop a theory based on a policy-mix game with electoral competition, predicting that the chances of a conservative (i.e., inflation-averse) party is reduced in the presence of tighter monetary policy. To test this prediction, we examine monthly data of British political history between 1960 and 2015. We show that a 1 percentage point increase in the interest rate in the 10 months prior to a national election decreases the popularity of a Tory government by approximately 0.75 percentage points relative to its trend.

In this paper, we challenge the claim that an independent conservative central bank strengthens the likelihood of a conservative government. In contrast, if an election is based on the comparative advantages of the candidates, an inflation-averse central banker can deter the chances of a conservative candidate because once inflation is removed, its comparative advantage in the fight against inflation disappears. We develop a theory based on a policy-mix game with electoral competition, predicting that the chances of a conservative (i.e., inflation-averse) party is reduced in the presence of tighter monetary policy. To test this prediction, we examine monthly data of British political history between 1960 and 2015. We show that a 1 percentage point increase in the interest rate in the 10 months prior to a national election decreases the popularity of a Tory government by approximately 0.75 percentage points relative to its trend.

A great deal of recent academic writing claims -- but, more often, assumes -- that the American news media have a predominantly conservative bias, slanting & shaping their coverage in ways that favor right-wing foreign, economic, cultural, & social policies. Two major books pioneered this position & have gone largely uncriticized, despite their immense influence. A detailed examination of Herbert Gans's Deciding What's News & Ben Bagdikian's The Media Monopoly shows, however, that they fall far short of proving their claims about media bias. The logic of many of their arguments is highly problematic, but especially glaring is the almost complete lack of solid evidence in either book as to the purportedly conservative nature of media content. References. Adapted from the source document.

Industrialism & the rise of labor in the US produced a conservative ideology which sought to defend the existing politicoecon system along generally laissez-faire lines. The constitutional legitimization of this ideology confined rather rigidly pol'al attempts to adjust labor policy to industrialism. The liberal attack upon this ideological & constitutional edifice was accepted pol'ay with the legislation of the New Deal era. The result was the final repudiation of laissezfaire constitutionalism & the commitment of labor policy completely to the pol'al processes. It is this framework within which have been fought recent liberal-conservative conflicts on such issues as union security, labor & pol, & the issue of labor & inflation. This liberal-conservative conflict, however, has often concealed the essential conservatism of Amer labor & its basic commitment to the existing econ & pol'al system. The advent of technological change may more signif'ly affect the labor movement than the policy issues which at present constitute the cleavage between liberals & conservatives. AA.