Suchergebnisse

Introduction -- An overview of the free movement of persons, services, establishment and goods -- Direct effect and state liability -- European law, litigation and the ECJ -- Introduction to competition law -- Anti-competitive agreements Article 81 of the EC treaty -- Abuse of a dominant position Article 82 -- The member state and its role in the economy Article 86 -- Mergers -- Procedural and enforcement aspects of EC competition law -- State aid -- Public procurement -- European private international law -- General and exclusive jurisdictional rules in the EU -- Special and procedural jurisdictional rules in the EU -- Recognition and enforcement of judgments in the EU -- Choice of law rules

Turkey has always been one of the key players in the EU's periphery, in terms of its economic capabilities, geographical position and political significance. While the EU's stance towards Turkey has been ambivalent over recent decades, Turkey, nonetheless, plays an important role both regionally and globally: one that the EU cannot overlook. This paper looks at the evolution of the EU's role in transforming Turkey into a European borderland with rule and norm transfers in multiple areas. It then proceeds to an analysis of the shifting dynamics of dependence and the resulting lack of a power asymmetry between the EU and Turkey, as factors that limited this rule transfer, especially after 2008. To do so, the paper analyses the historical evolution of this relationship, the EU's role in Turkish political reforms, and the degree to which the EU's role altered within the confines of the accession process. The paper addresses first the EU's rule transfer to Turkey in political terms, and identifies the significant blocs in that process with regards to the declining attractiveness of the EU as an economic magnet. Second, the paper analyses the economic aspects of the EU's rule transfer within the confines of the Turkish-EU association and the shifting dynamics of dependence. The paper provides empirical proof with regards to Turkish adaptation to the EU's technical rules as part and parcel of the accession process. It takes note of the limits of the EU's power to transfer its rules to its periphery, when there is no major asymmetry of power, as in the Turkish case, and when the credibility of the accession process is low. While the changing asymmetries of economic and military power and shifting dynamics of dependence feature in the paper as the main factors limiting the EU's capacity for rule and norm transfer to Turkey, it is, nonetheless, important to note that the EU influenced significant political and economic transformation in the country. The paper, then, investigates the expansion of the EU's functional, political and legal rules to Turkey on the one hand, and uncovers the role that power dynamics might play in Turkish adaptation to these norms on the other. As a result, this analysis of Turkish-EU relations provides a glimpse into the EU's role in its periphery, and its ability to transform the periphery into a European borderland by means of the export of its rules and norms. ; Funded by the European Research Council (ERC) within the 7th Framework Programme, the BORDERLANDS project is hosted at the Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies, European University Institute, and directed by Professor Raffaella A. Del Sarto.

Abstract
This article is based on interviews with and questionnaires completed by Donetsk area residents when the author visited the city January 7–17, 2014. They demonstrate that, at least among Donbas area residents with higher education, there were possibilities for building a "European dream" that Euromaidan protesters in Kyiv championed. Fighting for the rule of law, human rights, and an end to corruption—values identified with the Euromaidan—could have transcended Ukraine's regional divisions. Even those skeptical of "European values" still agreed that they belonged to one nation with differing political objectives. Yet the manipulation of the Kyiv protests by politicians, outbursts of violence in Kyiv, continued stereotypes of Ukraine's regions, and complex economic ties with Russia and Europe made this European dream elusive. Escalating violence in January 2014 and the sudden implosion of the regime of Viktor Yanukovych the next month polarized public opinion in Donetsk. Due to manipulations by local politicians, pro-Russian activists, and pro-Russian propaganda in local media, Donetsk residents and others in the Donbas protested the Kyiv "Junta" and demanded greater rights for their region. The ensuing geopolitical battle brought about greater Russian intervention, both politically and militarily, making it impossible for civil society to resist the sudden emergence of separatist republics. As pro-Russian activists and armed militants, some from across the Russian border, terrorized pro-Ukrainian citizens and Euromaidan activists, the European dream in Donetsk came to an end for the foreseeable future.

Immanuel Kant's classic essay Perpetual Peace has famously informed much of the neoliberal "democratic peace" scholarship in International Relations over the past few decades. It has also influenced contemporary notions of cosmopolitanism and global governance. We need to realize, however, that Kant's essay is only one representative of the eighteenth‐century European thought on perpetual peace. Several other writers have produced their own versions of the perpetual peace ideal. This article surveys some notable eighteenth‐century perpetual peace proposals from a specific perspective: it seeks to find out the attitude of these various proposals toward non‐European peoples. It asks, in other words, whether and to what extent non‐Europeans were "included" in the eighteenth‐century European visions of a perpetual peace.

This book presents the history of the transformation of the summit into the European Council (EC). It considers the political, organizational, and legal preparations for the increased involvement of heads of government in a more influential EC international and regional role.