Suchergebnisse

Afganistan ile Herat arasındaki dağlık bölgede hüküm süren Gurlular (552-612/1157-1216), bağımsız ve müstakil bir devlet haline geldikleri zamana kadar Gazneliler Devleti'nin (352-582/963-1186) tabiiyeti altında kalmışlardır. Gazneli hükümdarı Sebüktegin'den (366-387/977-997) başlamak üzere Sultan Mahmud (388-421/998-1030), Sultan Mesûd (421-432/1030-1041) ve Sultan İbrahim (451-492/1059-1099) dönemlerinde Gur bölgesine çeşitli seferler düzenlenmiştir. Bu seferler neticesinde Gurlular itaat altına alındığı gibi bu coğrafyada İslamiyet'in yayılması da hız kazanmıştır. Gaznelilerin gerileme dönemi hükümdarlarından Sultan Behramşâh (511-552/1117-1157) zamanında ise Gazneli-Gurlu mücadeleleri farklı bir safhaya girmiştir. Behramşâh'ın tâbi Gurlular aleyhine dış siyasette almış olduğu yanlış kararlar iki devleti karşı karşıya getirmiş ve taraflar arasında meydana gelen savaşlar Gaznelilerin çöküş sürecini hızlandırmıştır. Bu dönemde Gurlular tahtında bulunan Alâeddin Hüseyin b. İzzeddin Hüseyin'in (544-556/1149-1161) iki kardeşinin Behramşâh tarafından öldürülmesi, kendisinde bu devlete karşı büyük bir intikam hırsına sebebiyet vermiştir. Gaznelilere karşı elde etmiş olduğu zaferlerden sonra Gazne şehrini yakıp yıkması tarihlerde kendisinin Cihansûz lakabıyla anılması ile sonuçlanmıştır. Bu çalışmada Sultan Alâeddin Hüseyin Cihânsûz'un Gaznelilerle mücadelesi ve Gazne şehrini istilası ele alınmıştır.

The laborer's physical and mental health, well‐being, and happiness are among the major indicators for measuring each nation's sustainable development. A conflictive and hostile external environment (war zone) poses considerable difficulty and psychological distress to workers and nonworkers. Therefore, working in such a physically dangerous business environment may hurt worker's well‐being and happiness that in turn may reduce the workers' productivity at the workplace. A high level of laborers' productivity in public and private sectors is essential for achieving sustainable development in the long term. Therefore, this paper examines the effects of perceived danger on employees' psychological well‐being in war‐torn Afghanistan, an issue being addressed for the first time. We tested the moderating role of social support from coworkers on this effect in order to have a broader vision of which individuals are healthier and happier in a physically dangerous working environment. Two survey data sets were collected from 190 employees working in various small private and public businesses in Herat, Afghanistan. Our results reveal the negative impact of perceived danger on employees' psychological well‐being and that employees who receive little or no social support from their peers feel the negative effects of a physically dangerous working condition even more acutely.

How do warlords survive and even thrive in contexts that are explicitly set up to undermine them? How do they rise after each fall? Warlord Survival answers these questions. Drawing on hundreds of in-depth interviews in Afghanistan between 2007 and 2018, with ministers, governors, a former vice-president, warlords and their entourages, opposition leaders, diplomats, NGO workers, and local journalists and researchers, Romain Malejacq provides a full investigation of how warlords adapt and explains why weak states like Afghanistan allow it to happen. Malejacq follows the careers of four warlords in Herat, Sheberghan, and Panjshir: Ismail Khan, Abdul Rashid Dostum, Ahmad Shah Massoud, and Mohammad Qasim Fahim. He shows how they have successfully negotiated complicated political environments to survive ever since the beginning of the Soviet-Afghan war. The picture he paints in Warlord Survival is one of astute political entrepreneurs with a proven ability to organize violence. Warlords exert authority through a process in which they combine, instrumentalize, and convert different forms of power to prevent the emergence of a strong, centralized state. But, as Malejacq shows, the personal relationships and networks fundamental to the authority of Ismail Khan, Dostum, Massoud, and Fahim are not necessarily contrary to bureaucratic state authority. In fact, these four warlords, and others like them, offer durable and flexible forms of power in unstable, violent countries.

The shaykh al-Islam emerged in early Islamic Khurasan. A shaykh al-Islam's social-political roles developed organically, and his duties were exogenous to state bureaucracies. The Seljuq vizier, Niẓām al-Mulk, struck upon a "brilliant and original" scheme, to use the shaykh al-Islam to shape Islamic curricula and control lecturers. He officialized the position by appointing his "own lieutenant" as the shaykh al-Islam of Nishapur. Shāh-Rukh restarted the Seljuq initiative by appointing the shaykh al-Islam of Herat. The Timurid initiative was continued by the Safavids. The Ottoman şeyhülislam became the Empire's most formidable religious official. He presided over its educational system (ilmiye). There are two classes of shaykhs al-Islam: urban and rural. A city's shaykh al-Islam was the chief of its educational network of seminaries, hospices, teachers, and students; he examined the qualifications of lecturers, arbitrated disputes, and harmonized conflicts of law. A rural shaykh al-Islam was a local lord: major landholder, administrator, and magistrate. Typically, he was the custodian of a prominent Sufi shrine. The shaykh al-Islam's/shrine custodian's standing, and the influence and affluence of his institution within its catchment area, were enhanced by the Ilkhanids, Kartids, and Timurids when they tasked him with managing hydrological systems and agricultural production.

This article traces the process through which Alisher Navoi, a fifteenth-century Chagatai-Turkic poet from Herat, Afghanistan, became uzbekified and sovietized by Uzbek writers and scholars from the 1920s to the 1940s. It focuses on how shifting visions of nation-building affected Navoi's representation in Uzbek national historiography during the early Soviet period. The 1948 Soviet celebration of the 500th anniversary of Alisher Navoi's birth established the poet as a symbol of Uzbek "national-exceptionalism" that distinguished the Uzbek nation from other Central Asian nations. As a consequence Alisher Navoi's legacies that had regional significance were reduced to national heritage and the region's history was revised accordingly. The article, however, argues that the Soviet canonization of Alisher Navoi was not a rootless imposition of cultural history unfamiliar to the Uzbek people. Rather it was a realization of a nation-building project initiated by native Central Asian intellectuals called Jadids before the very creation of the Uzbek nation-state. Even though these intellectuals were persecuted during the 1930s Stalinist Terror, their ideas survived and were picked up by a new generation of Uzbek writers. This article also discusses how World War II provided an opportunity and justification for the Uzbek writers to rediscover their nation's pre-Revolutionary history and strengthened the Uzbek national ownership of Navoi legacies.

Contents -- Abbreviations for Archival Sources -- Various Va'adot: An Explanatory Note -- Glossary of Terms -- Rulers of Afghanistan (1747-1973) -- Note on Hebrew Transliteration -- Chapter 1 Introduction -- Entrepreneurial Minorities and Anti-Semitism in Afghanistan -- Encountering Nationalist Sentiments in Afghanistan -- Historiographical Trends -- Archival Sources -- Chapter 2 Modern Jewish Settlement in Afghanistan: Origins and Customs -- Theories on the Origins of Afghanistani Jewry -- Jewish Settlement in Mashhad -- Jewish Settlement in Afghanistan -- The Forcible Conversion of the Mashhadi Community -- The Persian Siege of Herat -- Daily Life among the Jews of Afghanistan -- Betrothal and Marriage Customs -- Women's Experiences -- Men's Lives -- Communal Structures and Social Control -- Peddlers and Merchants -- Inter-Communal Ties: The Turkmen-Jewish Relationship -- International Connections through Trade -- Chapter 3 A Survey of the Modern Political and Economic History of Afghanistan (1747-1933) -- Afghanistan's Foundation -- The First Anglo-Afghan War: Encountering the British Empire -- Dost Muhammad Khan: Consolidating Afghanistan's Borders -- Second Anglo-Afghan War: Limiting Afghanistan's Independence -- Shattering Afghanistan's Ethnic Mosaic: The Rule of the 'Iron Amir' -- Negotiating ʻAbd al-Rahman's Rule: The Challenges to the Jewish Community -- Habibullah Khan: Edging Towards Full Sovereignty -- The Jewish Community under Habibullah: A Resumption of Commerce -- World War I and Its Political Legacy -- Amanullah: Imagination without Grounding -- Minorities under Amanullah: A Time of Tolerance -- Hindus -- The Hazara -- Jews -- Amanullah's Encouragement of Education -- Patterns of Jewish Education -- A Less Tolerated Minority: The Ahmadiyas -- Reform and Revolt -- Habibullah Kalakani: Reign of Terror -- Minorities under Kalakani

Since 1979, Iran's objectives in Afghanistan have changed as Afghanistan's domestic landscape changed. Still, Iran has consistently sought to see a stable and independent Afghanistan, with Herat as a buffer zone and with a Tehran-friendly government in Kabul, a government that reflects
the rich ethnic diversity of the country. Toward those and other goals, Iran has created "spheres of influence" inside Afghanistan. During the Soviet occupation (1979-88), Iran created an "ideological sphere of influence" by empowering the Shi'ites. Iran then created
a "political sphere of influence" by unifying the Dari/Persian-speaking minorities, who ascended to power. Iranian policies added fuel to the ferocious civil war in the 1990s. Astonishingly slow to recognize the threat posed by the Taliban, Iran helped create a "sphere of
resistance" to counter the "Kabul-Islamabad-Riyadh" axis by supporting the Northern Alliance. Since the liberation of Afghanistan, Iran has also established an "economic sphere of influence" by engaging in the reconstruction of Afghanistan. Today, Iran's goals
are to pressure the Afghan government to distance itself from Washington, and for Iran to become the hub for the transit of goods and services between the Persian Gulf and Afghanistan, Central Asia, India, and China. While Iran has been guilty of extremism and adventurism in some critical
aspects of its foreign policy, its overall Afghan policy has contributed more to moderation and stability than to extremism and instability.

После падения династии Тимуридов на территории персоязычного мира вступили в борьбу две силы: суннитское государство Шейбанидов с центром в Мавераннахре и шиитское государство Сефевидов, расположенное на территории Ирана и Хорасана. Герат, бывшая столица Тимуридов и крупный культурный центр, отошел к Сефевидам. По причине религиозных гонений многие суннитские поэты и ученые были вынуждены искать убежище у Шейбанидов в Мавераннахре. В числе эмигрантов находился молодой и честолюбивый Зайнуддин Васифи, в дальнейшем – автор знаменитого прозаического сочинения Бадаи' ал-вакаи', новаторского произведения, вопрос о жанровой природе которого до сих пор остается открытым. В статье делается попытка найти реальные причины появления столь необычного для своего времени произведения в конкретных обстоятельствах жизни его автора, которые были обусловлены политической обстановкой в регионе. ; After the fall of the Timurid Empire two opposing forces appeared in the Persian speaking world, the Shiite Safavid state in Iran and Khurasan and the Sunni Shibanid state in Transoxania. Herat, the former Timurid capital and a great cultural centre, was conquered by the Safavids. Due to the aggravation of the religious tensions Sunni poets and scholars had to flee the city looking for the refuge in Transoxania. Among them was young and ambitious Zaynuddin Wasifi. Several years later he wrote his celebrated prose work Badayi' al-waqayi'. Genre affiliation of this ground-breakng work is still undetermined. This article attempts to disclose the real causes for the appearance of such a path-breaking work in the life circumstances of its author determined by the political situation in the region.

Cover -- Halftitle page -- Title page -- Copyright page -- CONTENTS -- Dedication -- FOREWORD TO THE THIRD EDITION -- PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION -- PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS TO THE FIRST EDITION -- Maps -- INTRODUCTION: AFGHANISTAN'S HOLY WARRIORS -- Part 1 History of the Taliban Movement -- 1 KANDAHAR 1994: THE ORIGINS OF THE TALIBAN -- 2 HERAT 1995: GOD'S INVINCIBLE SOLDIERS -- 3 KABUL 1996: COMMANDER OF THE FAITHFUL -- 4 MAZAR-E-SHARIF 1997: MASSACRE IN THE NORTH -- 5 BAMIYAN 1998-99: THE NEVER-ENDING WAR -- Part 2 Islam and the Taliban -- 6 CHALLENGING ISLAM: THE NEW-STYLE FUNDAMENTALISM OF THE TALIBAN -- 7 SECRET SOCIETY: THE TALIBAN'S POLITICAL AND MILITARY ORGANIZATION -- 8 A VANISHED GENDER: WOMEN, CHILDREN AND TALIBAN CULTURE -- 9 HIGH ON HEROIN: DRUGS AND THE TALIBAN ECONOMY -- 10 GLOBAL JIHAD: THE ARAB-AFGHANS AND OSAMA BIN LADEN -- Part 3 The New Great Game -- 11 DICTATORS AND OIL BARONS: THE TALIBAN AND CENTRAL ASIA, RUSSIA, TURKEY AND ISRAEL -- 12 ROMANCING THE TALIBAN 1: THE BATTLE FOR PIPELINES 1994-96 -- 13 ROMANCING THE TALIBAN 2: THE BATTLE FOR PIPELINES 1997-99 - THE USA AND THE TALIBAN -- 14 MASTER OR VICTIM: PAKISTAN'S AFGHAN WAR -- 15 SHIA VERSUS SUNNI: IRAN AND SAUDI ARABIA -- 16 CONCLUSION: THE FUTURE OF AFGHANISTAN -- 17 THE TALIBAN RESURGENT 2000-2009 -- Appendix 1 A sample of Taliban decrees relating to women and other cultural issues, after the capture of Kabul, 1996 -- Appendix 2 Structure of the Taliban -- Appendix 3 A CHRONOLOGY OF THE TALIBAN -- Appendix 4 The New Great Game -- Appendix 5 Glossary of Afghan terms -- Appendix 6 2021 CABINET LIST FOR TALIBAN -- Bibliography -- Notes -- Index.

With the horrific incident on September 11 in the US, the US armed forces entered Afghanistan to shut the door to terrorism. Now, Afghanistan opens a new page for Afghanistan's internal and external political system. Afghanistan as a country that has pursued regional cooperation from neighboring countries, especially from India. India is the most promising country for Afghanistan's foreign policy and diplomatic relations in areas such as economic, cultural, technical, capacity building, military and other growth. The purpose of this study is to examine the development process of the two countries India and Pakistan in an effort to establish international relations. With a qualitative approach This research resulted in India being one of the countries which, after September 11, 2001, and the leadership of the Taliban, succeeded in gaining more opportunities for the people of Afghanistan. His non-hostile contributions to Middle Eastern and Middle Eastern countries have created a special place for the people of Afghanistan. India after independence in 1947, started friendly relations with Afghanistan two years later, until now, has enthusiastically and dedicably made their contribution to Afghanistan. The people of Afghanistan in this case get many benefits from India's bilateral relations, namely the construction of the Salma Dam in Herat, Delaram Road Development, Allotment of 1000 Afghan Student Scholarships in Human Resource Development per year, the Repair of the Afghan Foreign Minister Complex, the establishment of the Afghan Parliament Building, the Opening of Chabahar Port, Strengthening the Equipment of the Afghan Military Forces, Air Corridors, and India's efforts to get Afghanistan to gain Membership in Regional Cooperation Bodies such as SAARC, BRICS, Asia Heart 'Istanbul Process'.

Efforts are currently being stepped up to create a Trans-Afghan transport corridor (TATC), motivated primarily by its vast transit capabilities and the role it can play in developing economic relations in the Central Asia region. Furthermore, it is important to note that building a transport infrastructure in Afghanistan capable of invigorating integration with neighboring states is not only vital for developing the country's economy, but also for ensuring its domestic political stability. Given their unique geographic location, Uzbekistan and Afghanistan have advantageous conditions for creating and developing intercontinental transport corridors. For example, the main international transport corridors pass through the territory of Uzbekistan, which is one of the largest Central Asian states. This makes it extremely attractive from the viewpoint of Eurasian goods and passenger transit via the shortest route in essentially all directions. Moreover, intensive development of Uzbekistan's foreign trade demands organizing efficient international cargo carriage. On 18 June, 2003, in order to promote the restoration of Afghanistan's economy, raise its transit potential, and develop economic trade cooperation in the region, the heads of state of Uzbekistan, Afghanistan, and Iran signed an Agreement on building international transport corridors via the Termez-Hayraton-Mazar-e Sharif-Herat-Meshed-Bandar Abbas route. It should be noted that full-fledged implementation of this project largely depends on how all-embracing and similar the interests of the regional states are, as well as on the level of their cooperation in this vector. This article analyzes the interests of those states involved in creating the TATC, as well as the prospects for its development.

Introduction / Patricia Ronan, Evelyn Ziegler -- Multilingualism and identity building. A view from the Sunshine State: mapping perceptions and language ideologies in Florida / Katharina von Elbwart -- Russian and Polish in the Ruhr Valley: in search of similarities and differences / Katrin Bente Karl -- Identity of individuals with Turkish heritage in Germany / Shota Tanaka -- Codeswitching as an identity marker in the Eritrean community of the U.S. / Warsa Melles -- Noising the space for reuniting: the production of a Colombian groupness in a migratory context / Salomé Molina Torres -- Social and societal contexts of language, migration and identity. The role of the Romani language in the preservation of Romani identity in Hungary / Márton A. Baló -- Migration and communicative practices in multilingual African communities: the case of Chinese traders in Cameroon / Jocelyne Kenne Kenne -- Europe through Indian eyes: constructions of foreignness in Indian soldiers' letters / Manel Herat -- Measuring attitudes to migration in the media automatically with complementary data sources and methods / Gerold Schneider, Maud Reveilhac -- What is best practice in media reporting on migration? / Susanne Fengler, Monika Lengauer, Anna-Carina Zappe -- Educational contexts. Transgressing linguistic and sociocultural boundaries: language affiliation and linguistic practices among second-generation immigrants in Swedish-language Finland / Marion Kwiatkowski -- Linguistic inclusion of school age immigrants in Ruhr Valley schools / Patricia Ronan, Warsa Melles -- Linguistic repertoires beyond the limiting power of ideologies: fostering reflexivity in teacher research on multilingualism / Andrea Bogner, Jacqueline Gutjahr -- Forced migration. Displacement and disorientation in a narrative of former migrants from Germany to Palestine / Simona Leonard -- Recounting central biographical experiences: an analysis of retellings in interviews with second generation German speakers in Israel / Rita Luppi -- Emotions and their relation to paces of the migration trajectory: experiential declarative formulas in the corpus Emigrantendeutsch in Israel: Wiener in Jerusalem (ISW) / Carolina Flinz -- Conclusion / Evelyn Ziegler, Patricia Ronan.

Presented at the Role of irrigation and drainage in a sustainable future: USCID fourth international conference on irrigation and drainage on October 3-6, 2007 in Sacramento, California. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Ninety percent of the irrigators of Afghanistan own, operate and maintain canal systems. Traditionally, "Mirabs" manage water deliveries. They are chosen by water users, collect revenues and administer a limited O&M budget. The canal systems were in poor condition and delivered adequate water to approximately 1/3 of irrigated areas in 2003. Yet, international agencies, UN and IBRD, reported that agriculture provided 75 to 90 percent of GDP and employment. The 3-year "Rebuilding of Agricultural Markets Program" (RAMP) was designed by USAID and awarded to Chemonics International, July 2003. RAMP Infrastructure undertook the rebuilding of irrigation systems. Since government lacked financial resources, a program to incorporate Mirabs into a Self-Governing Water User Association (WUA), based on legal chartering, was designed by Chemonics International and executed by Development Alternatives Inc (DAI). Undertakings, to form a WUA for the 14,500-hectare Injil Canal Command of Herat Province, were: • Scoping and funding to achieve chartering of a WUA. • Convince an Afghan of stature to lead the program (Eng. Tawab Assifi). • Form capable Afghan Organizational Team (included noted jurist — Islamic and Civil law). • Review and possibly modify laws and regulations (chartering of WUAs was written into a New Water Law). • Map system and set up accurate voter (water user) registers. • Conduct elections for a General Assembly of water users. • Rebuild structures, Hari Rud/River (Head Works with silt ejector) to water intakes (200 each). Elections were held early during 2006, key personnel were trained, and equipment was transferred to the Injil WUA at mid year by RAMP/Chemonics.