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This article explores the gender dimension of ideology and representation by analyzing the political parties that ran in the 2019 Polish parliamentary elections, using a novel analytical framework based on gender claims and gender-related policy pledges. This article demonstrates that a left and liberal ideology largely determines feminist and pro-LGBTQ+ promissory representation. However, the gender ideologies of right-wing political parties vary in their traditional types and can include a populist element. This article contributes to comparative gender and politics scholarship by examining gender ideologies in the Central and Eastern European context, where on the one hand, populism and anti-gender campaigns have taken hold, and, on the other, feminist and progressive movements have challenged traditionalism and illiberalism. This article also differentiates a scholarly meaning of gender ideology from its populist meaning.

In all advanced Western nations, policy-makers have implemented encompassing welfare state reforms in recent decades breaking with past welfare arrangements. In particular, social democracy engaged in significant policy change under the Third Way paradigm and broke with its traditional reputation on welfare that had built the ties with the core constituency in the 20th century. The Electoral Consequences of Third Way Welfare State Reforms: Social Democracy's Transformation and its Political Costs provides a comparative study of the electoral consequences of Third Way welfare state reforms. The book demonstrates that Third Way reforms went against the social policy preferences of social democracy's core voters and indeed produced an electoral setback for social democrats at the ballots. Moreover, and accounting for cross-national variation, the analysis shows that the nature of the setback is contingent on the electoral system and the party competition social democrats face when reforming the welfare state.

Among political scientists, even among political theorists, there is a widespread conviction that political theory has entered upon a time of troubles. Few, however, regard it simply as a "dead dog," and political theorists continue, as they should, to administer critical self-analysis, and to define and defend their methodological and philosophical positions. The basis for a unity of opposites is still a subject for dispute. This paper is offered, not as a solution, but as a statement of one conception of the role of political theory.A time-honored technique of dialectic is to seek well-reasoned objections to the view one does not hold. A medicine often commended to the political scientists is a body of systematic, scientific theory akin to economic theory in approach and methodological sophistication. Accordingly, this article takes issue with that interpretation which conceives of political theory as, ideally, the master discipline whereby the science of politics is to be unified and systematized, and empirical investigation oriented and guided. A few definite and carefully developed proposals for reconstruction along these lines, familar to political scientists, are G. E. G. Catlin's The Science and Method of Politics, Harold D. Lasswell's and Abraham Kaplan's Power and Society, and David Easton's The Political System. These works can serve as an initial point of purchase for analysis and discussion.

C. P. Snow, in his Rede Lecture on the scientific and literary worlds as separate cultures, lists four groups needed by a country if it is to "come out top" in the scientific revolution. First, as many top scientists as it can produce; second, a larger group trained for supporting research and high class design; third, educated supporting technicians; and "fourthly and last, politicians, administrators, an entire community, who know enough science to have a sense of what the scientists are talking about."It seems increasingly clear that the growing army of "political" scientists—meaning natural scientists in politics—is more likely to be aided by students of politics prepared to understand the effects of science in political terms than by most of the recent efforts to understand politics in scientific terms. When one looks over the journals in political science, and in related areas of public opinion and social psychology, searching for significant conclusions in articles where much time has been spent on the elaboration of method, it is difficult to avoid V. O. Key's conclusion "that a considerable proportion of the literature commonly classified under the heading of 'political behavior' has no real bearing on politics, or at least that its relevance has not been made clear."

Like Rachel, Jacob's beloved but still childless bride, who asked herself and the Lord each morning, "Am I?," or "Can I?," so presidents of this Association on these annual occasions intermittently ask, "Are we a science?," or "Can we become one?" My predecessor, David Truman, raised this question last September applying some of the notions of Thomas Kuhn in his recent book on scientific revolutions. I shall be following in Truman's footsteps, repeating much that he said but viewing the development of the profession from a somewhat different perspective and intellectual history. My comments will be organized around three assertions.First, there was a coherent theoretical formulation in the American political theory of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.Second, the development of professional political science in the United States from the turn of the century until well into the 1950's was carried on largely in terms of this paradigm, to use Kuhn's term. The most significant and characteristic theoretical speculation and research during these decades produced anomalous findings which cumulatively shook its validity.Third, in the last decade or two the elements of a new, more surely scientific paradigm seem to be manifesting themselves rapidly. The core concept of this new approach is that of the political system.

ÖZETİnsanları diğer canlılardan ayıran en önemli özellikler hayal gücü ve yaratım yeteneğidir. Bu her iki vasıf da insanların hem özel, hem de kamusal hayatları için vazgeçilmezdir. İnsanlar yüzyıllar boyunca yaşam şekillerini, toplulukları, halkları, devletleri ve hükümet sistemlerini tasavvur etmişler ve sonuç olarak kendi tasavvurlarını vücuda getirmişlerdir. İster gerçeğe dönüşsün, ister asla gerçekleştirilemeyecek ütopyalar (hatta distopyalar) olarak kalsın, hayal gücünün dünyanın işleyiş biçimine doğrudan katkısı vardır. Politika, uluslar arası ilişkiler, bilim, sanat ve edebiyatta bu hayal gücünün sonuçlarını ve yansımalarını rahatlıkla görebiliriz. Bununla birlikte, bu yansımanın karşılıklı olduğunu da söyleyebiliriz. Hayal gücü politikayı ve politik sistemleri etkilediği kadar, bu sistemler ve politikadaki değişimler de insanların fikirlerini etkiler, özellikle de sınırsız bir hayal gücüne sahip olanları. Bu bağlamda, bilim kurgu edebiyatının usta kalemleri kendi ütopyan ve distopyan dünyalarını yaratmış ve dünya çapında yankı bularak diğer insanların fikirlerini de etkilemişlerdir. Hayallerle gerçekler arasındaki bu etkileşim en iyi bilim kurgunun başyapıtlarında görülmektedir. Politik ideolojiler (ki bunlar da sonuçta kağıt üzerindeki tasavvurlardır) ve ütopyan / distopyan romanlar arasındaki bağlantılar ve karşılaştırmalar William Morris'in News From Nowhere (Hiçbir Yerden Haberler), Aldous Huxley'nin Brave New World (Cesur Yeni Dünya), Ursula K. Le Guin'in The Dispossessed (Mülksüzler) and William Gibson'ın Neuromancer (Matrix Avcısı) adlı kitaplarında incelenmiştir. Bu romanlar ütopyan ya da distopyan dünyaları resmederek bize alternatif gerçeklikleri gösterirken, bir yandan da geçmişi ve şimdiyi yansıtarak bize geleceğe ilişkin rehberler sunmaktadır.ABSTRACTThe most important elements that separate humans from other living organisms are the power of imagination and the gift of creation. Both abilities are crucial in people's lives, private and public. For centuries humankind imagined their life styles, communities, societies, states, government systems and as a result, they created their own imaginations. Whether they become realities or utopias (maybe dystopias), imagination has a lot to do with how the world works. In politics, international relations, science, art and literature, we can see the outcomes and reflections of human imagination. Besides, we can also say that this reflection works both ways. Just as much as imagination affects politics, political systems and political changes also affect the minds of people, especially those with a boundless imagination. In this context, the masters of science fiction literature have built utopian and dystopian worlds of their own and have affected the minds of other people throughout the world. The interaction between imagination and reality is best seen in these sci-fi masterpieces. The connections and comparisons between political ideologies (which are also imaginations put on paper) and utopian / dystopian novels are examined in William Morris's News From Nowhere, Aldous Huxley's Brave New World, Ursula K. Le Guin's The Dispossessed and William Gibson's Neuromancer. These novels present us alternative realities by picturing utopian or dystopian worlds and by reflecting our history and present, they offer us guides towards the future.

Constitutional democracy addresses the widely held belief that liberal democracy embodies an uneasy compromise of incompatible values: those of liberal rights on the one hand, and democratic equality on the other. Liberalism is said to compromise democracy, while democracy is said to endanger the values of liberalism. It is these theses that János Kis examines and tries to refute. Making the assumption that the alleged conflict is to be resolved at the level of institutions, he outlines a new theory of constitutional democracy. A wide range of problems encountered in constitutional democracy are discussed, such as the popular vote, popular sovereignty, and non-elected justices. The volume is composed of three parts. Part One, "Public Good and Civic Virtue", revisits the debate between liberals and democrats on how to interpret the democratic vote. In Part Two, "Liberal Democracy", the author proves that on the level of principles there is no incompatibility between liberalism and democracy and that liberal theory can demonstrate that democratic values follow from fundamental liberal values. In Part Three, "Constitutional Adjudication in a Democracy", the compatibility of democracy and judicial or constitutional review is analyzed and a theory of constitutionalism is outlined. This volume appeals to scholars in political philosophy, political science, and constitutional law, but is also recommended to all those interested in liberal and democratic theory, and the transition to democracy in Central and Eastern Europe