Suchergebnisse

This paper examines the Thai state's approach in tackling the separatist movements in Thailand's predominantly Malay-Muslim South. Developing upon Lewis et al.'s concept of Authoritarian Conflict Management, I argue that the state has largely employed an authoritarian mode to respond to the resurgence of violent rebellion since 2004, with the military taking dominant roles. Illiberal peace-building, largely influenced by Thai Cold War counterinsurgency doctrine, has extended not only to spatial, discursive and economic domains, but also to the legal realm. A nationally driven peace process initiated in 2013 was a departure from the state's long-standing modus operandi. It was a period in which national elites experimented with a relatively more liberal approach. The Kuala Lumpur-facilitated process sparked both inter- and intra-group contention and soon collapsed due to the effect of unending battle between the so-called democracy camp and the royalist-establishment camp. The trajectory of the formalised dialogue took a significant turn after the 2014 coup. While retaining the process, the military regime turned it into an extended domain of illiberal peace-building. ; The most recent round field research for this article was funded by the Australian National University's Department of Political and Social Change.

Following the 1994 genocide, a peace‐building industry emerged in Rwanda, one characterized by networks of local and international agents, institutions, and forms of knowledge. This article investigates the politics of peace building in postgenocide Rwanda through ethnographic study of two local civil society‐level organizations. These peace‐building organizations aim to produce testimony from genocide survivors and perpetrators to demonstrate radical personal transformations and newfound capacities to reconcile because of the organizations' teachings. I call these public performances "reconciliation spectacles." However, ambiguity and opacity surround the conditions under which this testimony is produced, which gives rise to corruption charges against peace‐building staff and their disciples. I argue that the opaque relationship between peace‐building organizations' interventions and the outcomes of those interventions engenders not only accusations of ill‐gotten gains but also the power and moral authority of organization staff and their work. The analysis uncovers how irresolvable tensions emerge between guiding principles of the global peace‐building industry and the everyday practices of the local agents who enact them.

The search for an efficient peace-building mechanism is an increasingly topical issue among governments, international bodies and civil society organisations as the appropriate tool for preventing or resolving conflicts. Ghana is perceived to have an efficient peace-building mechanism that has steered her away from conflicts, which have engulfed her West African neighbours, namely Liberia, Sierra Leone, Guinea, and Ivory Coast. Using chieftaincy (chiefship) conflicts in Ghana as a case study, this article seeks to analyse the efficiency of the peace-building mechanism of the Ghanaian state. It also highlights the effect of the mechanism on society, rule of law, democracy, good governance and human security in general. (AAS/DÜI)

The role of women in developing and improving the livelihoods of the various communities in the country is key to peace-building. They have great influence and responsibility as mothers who bring many people to a common understanding. Based on this responsibility, the government of South Sudan has recognized their contribution to the peace process and the development of South Sudan as a whole. Pre-peace-building is said to be a proactive process that requires identification of conflict incidences, analysis of conflict structure, actors with adaptation of necessary responses and management mechanism, which includes restoration of trust and confidence of the stakeholders involved in the conflict. It is the art of regaining relationships with the governmental institutions and social groups in the various communities, which helps to unite them to live peacefully in their country.Therefore, this paper examines the contribution of women to peace-building during the recent conflict in the country. The paper also investigates the approaches employed by women in peace-building, as well as the efforts and commitments to influence their participation. Previously, women were excluded from participating in leadership in the fields of educational opportunities. However, their contribution to peace-building or conflict resolution will empower them to play a part in leadership positions. The methods used in this paper are descriptive and analytical. However, the sources used to gather the data for this study are both primary and secondary.

Focuses on use of cooperative linkages, community building, and the expansion of societal and cultural ties between France and Germany after World War II.

An unprecedented level of attention was focused on Africa in 2005. Over the past decade the UN has intensified its engagement in Africa and, by December 2005, 75% of UN resources were devoted to Africa. Nearly half the number of deployed UN personnel are African. However, the release in 2005 of major reports from the UN Millennium Project and the British-led Commission for Africa pointed to the stark fact that Africa is currently the region that is farthest from attaining any of the Millennium Development Goals. In recent years, Africa has provided pointed illustrations of the negative impact of weak governance and conflict on economic development -- as in Cote d'Ivoire, Liberia and Zimbabwe -- and of how strong the turnaround can be when governance problems and conflict are resolved -- as in Angola and Mozambique. With recognition of the growing political will in Africa to tackle the inter-connected security and development challenges facing the continent, 2005 saw a renewal of the global commitment to increasing stability and strengthening the continent's own capacity to address peace and security challenges. One of the first tangible achievements of the September 2005 World Summit was the establishment of the UN Peacebuilding Commission. This momentous measure was designed to assist countries emerging from conflict and to ensure that "post-conflict" does not mean "post-engagement" of the international community'. The Commission will improve coordination among all actors within and outside the UN system involved in the post-conflict peace-building process, while at the same time promoting the need to anchor peace-building efforts in local contexts and dynamics, and therefore recognizing the primacy of local stakeholders. The Human Security Report 2005 showed a strong correlation between the sharp decline in armed conflicts and the deployment of peace missions. In 2005 there were mixed results in peacekeeping and peace-building efforts in Africa. In Liberia, the UN mission achieved some success in implementing the transitional priorities, while the UN mission in Sierra Leone marked a successful completion of its six-year mandate, firmly putting the country on the road to a sustainable peace. However, success was not recorded elsewhere in the continent, where peace missions demonstrated the austere realities of peace-building in Africa in 2005 and the problems that will continue to challenge international actors in 2006. Repeated threats of violence in Cote d'Ivoire severely hampered the UN mission from carrying out its mandated tasks. The UN also struggled to bring stability in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and in 2006 requested the support of the EU to deploy a limited military operation to assist in providing a secure environment for the forthcoming elections. The biggest failure of the international community was in Darfur, Sudan. Constrained by the lack of appropriate and necessary equipment, trained and skilled peacekeeping personnel, and financial resources, the African Union (AU) proved woefully inadequate to assume responsibility for tackling Africa's crises. The subsequent decision to merge the AU mission into a UN-led mission was testimony to the AU's embryonic capacity to launch complex peace operations in a sustainable manner. It provides a strong argument for the international community to give serious consideration to the recommendations of the UN High-level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change that the UN should provide equipment for regional operations and that such operations, when appropriate, should be financed from the UN peacekeeping budget. Adapted from the source document.

ABSTRACT
Reflecting on the Somali case, the article argues that the systematic failures of international interventions in the country have largely derived from the modernising orientation underlying UN peace-building practices. Following this logic, the solution to the Somali problem becomes dependent upon the construction of a centralised authority. Resisting an alternative romanticisation of the Somaliland experiment, the article suggests that the multiple attempts to build a sui generis model of democracy, which combines Western and local forms of governance, are giving way to a hybrid political order that may, in turn, help us to rethink UN peace-building practices in less ethnocentric terms.