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On the basis of archival materials, first of all documents of the Sectoral State Archive of the Security Service of Ukraine and the Central State Archive of Public Associations of Ukraine, the author analyzed the reaction of the Ukrainian society to events of the 1956 Hungarian Revolution. The article emphasizes the intensification of anti-Soviet sentiments among different groups of the Ukrainian population, expressing solidarity with the Hungarian rebels. The author focuses on the dissemination of protest actions in Transcarpathia, as well as among Hungarian students in Kyiv, Kharkiv and Dnipropetrovs'k.

Frontmatter -- FOREWORD -- ACKNOWLEDGMENTS -- CONTENTS -- PART I. Introduction -- I. Aim and Method -- PART II. The Unchanging Aspects of the CCF -- 11. Ideology -- III. Structure -- PART III. The Changes in the CCF -- IV. Protest Movement 1932-41 -- V. Major Party: Ascent 1942-45 -- VI. Major Party: Decline 1945-49 -- VII. Minor Party 1950-61 -- PART IV. Conclusion -- VIII. How the CCF Was Distinctive -- APPENDIXES -- BIBLIOGRAPHY -- INDEX

Revolutions, revolts and protest movements are viewed in the study of politics as belonging together because they take place outside political institutions and, through collective action, involve mobilisation against established practices and the values lying behind them. As the wide variety of cases covered in the four books reviewed show, however, the differences between these revolutionary and protest actions are also striking. These books show that, if carefully chosen, a great deal can be learned from the detailed study of cases about protest movements mobilising both within and across borders and that it furthers our understanding of social movements. Highly valuable lessons on the role of violence in politics are also learned from the studies of revolts and revolutions. Looked at critically, however, the books show that the differences between violence and terror should not be overlooked and that important factors such as ideology can be missed. Adapted from the source document.

This book was originally published by the Sydney Branch, Australian Society for the Study of Labour History in 2005. Introduction (2020): During the turbulent decade 1965-1975, a cultural revolution took place in Australia. The future was seeded with movements and ideas that changed Australian society and culture, and enlarged the space for democratic action. Published in a print-run of 500 copies in 2005, and edited by Beverley Symons and Rowan Cahill, activists of that decade, A Turbulent Decade: Social Protest Movements and the Labour Movement, 1965-1975 is a unique, and rare, assemblage of recollections and reflections of veterans of the period. The focus is Sydney and New South Wales, and a great deal that is new is added to the public record, often candidly and vulnerably so. The book covers the Anti-Vietnam War and Anti-Conscription Movements, the Student, New Left and Counter Culture Movements, Women's Liberation, Gay and Lesbian Rights, Aboriginal Land Rights and Civil Rights, the Anti-Apartheid Movement, the Trade Union Movement, and the Australian Labor Party. Contributors are Brian Aarons, Anthony Ashbolt, Wendy Bacon, Suzanne Bellamy, Lester Bostock, Charlie Bowers, Meredith Burgmann, Rowan Cahill, Jack Cambourn, Bruce Childs, Ken Davis, Diane Fieldes, Dulcie Flower, Graham Freudenberg, Hall Greenland, Bob Gould, Noreen Hewett, Suzanne Jamieson, Craig Johnston, Gillian Leahy, Greg Mallory, Race Mathews, Audrey McDonald, Tom McDonald, Peter McGregor, Jack Mundey, John Myrtle, Sue Tracey, Shane Ostenfeld, Joe Palmada, John Percy, Robyn Plaister, Mavis Robertson, Lyndall Ryan, Joyce Stevens, Paul True, Barrie Unsworth, Sue Wills. ; https://ro.uow.edu.au/uowbooks/1028/thumbnail.jpg

In protest discourses the problem of using aesthetic and artistic elements lies in the centre of attention. The authors draw empirical material from the Belarusian protest movement, especially the anti-government protests of 2020. In the current study the problem of the use of aesthetic elements in protest discourses is considered in two aspects: 1) in the aspect of artistic activism, i.e. the involvement of artists in resistance activities; 2) in terms of the use of aesthetic speech acts in various forms of protest activity, i.e. as a special rhetorical tool with emphatic and persuasive function, but also as a means of expression with the satisfying function. As a result of this dichotomy, the article is divided into two parts. The authors point out that even though public art is not developed in Belarus (e.g. in the field of visual arts), aesthetic creativity is a very characteristic feature of both street poster discourses and forms of protest in the Internet.

AbstractWhy do some protest movements in Latin America succeed in rolling back privatizations while others fail? This article argues that protests against privatizations have tended to succeed under two conditions. First, privatization's opponents form linkages (or "brokerage") across multiple sectors of society. Broad coalitions are more likely to achieve their goals, while groups acting alone, such as labor unions, are more easily defeated or ignored by governments. Second, civil rights are protected but political representation is weak. In that case, opponents have the legal right to protest, but are unlikely to have opportunities for communicating their concerns through formal institutions, which prompts them to channel their demands outside of existing political institutions. Using case examples and logistic regression, this study confirms these arguments and discusses the implications for democracy in the region.

The 1960s protest movements marked an astonishing moment for West Germany. They developed a political critique, but are above all distinctive for their overwhelming emphasis on culture and the symbolic. In particular, reading and writing had a uniquely prestigious status for West German protesters, who produced an extraordinary textual culture ranging from graffiti and flyers to agit-prop poetry and autobiographical prose. By turns witty, provocative, reflective and offensive, the avantgarde roots of anti-authoritarianism are as palpable in their texts as their debt to high literature. But due to this culture's (apparently) anti-literary tone, it has often remained illegible to traditional criticism. This volume presents close readings and analyses of emblematic examples of texts, some forgotten, others better known, embedding them in historical, cultural, theoretical and aesthetic context, and illuminating representative moments and preoccupations in anti-authoritarian culture, from the Vietnam War to the Nazi past, to dirt and hygiene. They outline an anti-authoritarian poetics and uncover some of the texts' latent content, revealing often hidden tensions and contradictions, above all in relation to the German past and questions of authority.

This study formulates three problems which include: (1) The principles of the social protest movement from the perspective of Islamic law; (2) Methods and techniques for conducting demonstrations from the perspective of Islamic law; (3) The social impact of demonstrations in Indonesia from the perspective of Islamic law. This study uses a qualitative method (descriptive-analytic). Based on the data source is library research (library research). The approach used is the sociological approach of Islamic law and the siyasah fiqh approach. In the perspective of scientific studies, these two approaches are used to understand the phenomenon of demonstrations in Indonesia based on legal arguments contained in the Qur'an and Hadith, the opinions of fuqaha' and opinions that develop (ijitahad) at a time in life. Muslims. Meanwhile, from a methodological perspective, these two approaches are used to provide an interpretation of the methodology of Islamic law on the concept and practice of demonstrations based on social movement theory and Islamic political theory. The results of this study found that: The principles of the Islamic social protest movement are built on the doctrine of rights and obligations between the people and the rulers in an Islamic state which include: the principle of hisbah; The principle of freedom of expression; The principle of deliberation; and constitutional principles. Based on the method of carrying out the demonstration, there are 2 methods, namely the exclusive method and the inclusive method. Based on the technique of holding demonstrations, there are 3 levels, namely: (1) demonstrations with the ability and strength of the masses; (2) demonstration with verbal ability and strength; (3) protest with the ability of the heart. Through the istislahi approach, that Islamic law strongly condemns all demonstration activities that cause harm to religion, soul, mind, descendants and property. On the other hand, he strongly supports all demonstration activities that uphold the five maintenances ...

Social Protest Movements and American Democracy -- Theoretical Perspectives of Social Protest Movements -- Types of Social Protest Movements -- Stages of Social Protest Movements -- What Makes A Successful Social Protest Movement? -- Social Work Practice and Social Protest Movement Participation -- Where Social Protest and Social Work Meet -- Emerging Trends and The Future of Social Protest Movements.

In assessing the aftermath of the fraudulent presidential election of 2009 in Iran, one question has received less critical analysis than other complexities of this event: What can explain the remarkable non-violent character of the Green Movement in Iran? I propose that the answer, inter alia, lies with the following three learning experiences: 1) The experience of loss brought about by the Iran/Iraq war; 2) the experience of relative opening during Khatami's presidency; and 3) the experience of modernization of faith in the work of the post-Islamist thinkers that aimed to make political Islam compatible with democracy. Together, these learning processes fostered a new mode of thinking that is civil and non-violent in character.

Abstract
This paper compares the mass protests in Ukraine (the Euromaidan of 2013–14) and Belarus–2020 in the recent decade. The author tests the hypothesis that social movements successfully challenge the ruling groups if protests are sufficiently supported by Western governments, if autocratic regimes are not strong and consolidated, and if the regional tendencies are supportive of the protesters' cause. Based on the comparative analysis of the two cases, the author concludes that the hypothesis is in general correct for Eastern Europe, but should be more nuanced: it should pay attention to the external influences of both Western states and Russia; it should note that the strength of an autocracy may create new opportunities for the challengers; and that it should take into account the changing nature of regional tendencies, which can be of democratization, autocratization, or some mixture.