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Surveys various attempts to move beyond the categories of Left & Right in making distinctions in political orientations among social groups. It is argued that the work of such scholars as Giovanni Sartori (1982), Norberto Bobbio (1983), & Dino Confrancesco (1984) ends in essentializing these categories rather than creating viable alternatives. Moreover, to the extent that these categorizations function as ideal-types within theoretical constructs wholly devised by the authors, they do not correspond to empirical reality. These authors therefore risk losing themselves within the many varieties of Right & Left that they inevitably observe as they turn to empirical questions. A call is made to overcome rigid metapolitical frameworks devised in the nineteenth century that do not capture the political reality of the late twentieth century. D. M. Smith

Title Page -- Contents -- Acknowledgements -- Foreword by Neil Kinnock -- Introduction -- Prologue: A New Look at an 'Old Labour' Government -- 1: The Toads -- 2: Dire Straits in 1978 -- 3: The Winter of Our Discontent -- 4: Loyalist Group Formed -- 5: The Sad Farewell to Old Labour -- 6: Leave Thatcher, We'll Get Callaghan First -- 7: The Darkest Hour -- 8: Blunders, Bloomers and the Leadership -- 9: A Second Own Goal at Wembley -- 10: Shirley Throws in the Towel -- 11: The Moderates Fight Back -- 12: Toad Fights Badger -- 13: Hope and Despair -- 14: Foot Won't Help -- 15: The Wild Wood -- 16: The Goodies Gang Up - Benn Cast Away -- 17: A Phoney Peace and a Real War in the Falklands -- 18: Taking Control -- 19: Under New Management -- 20: By-elections at Bermondsey and Darlington -- 21: The Longest Suicide Note -- 22: The 1983 General Election - Foot's Last Stand -- 23: The Leadership Battle - Kinnock's Victory -- 24: The Fall of Militant -- 25: The Fall of Benn -- Epilogue: Blackpool, Conference Week 1998 -- Postscript: Westminster, December 2015 The Left Ascendant in a New Winter of Discontent -- Select Bibliography -- Appendix: The Guardian Obituary of John Golding -- Index -- A, B, C -- D, E, F -- G, H, I -- J, K, L -- M, N, O -- P, Q, R -- S, T, U -- V, W, X -- Y, Z -- Copyright

The Amer New Left is seen as part of an internat'l pol'al tendency. Despite diff's in form, student movements of the 1960's in the US, West Europe, & Japan share common concerns: violent or nonviolent rejection of both capitalism & bur'tic communism, anti-imperialism & an activist orientation. The main intellectual emphases of the Amer New Left appear to be anti-scholasticism, utopianism, & activism, as is illustrated in representative works by 2 authors whose ideas have greatly influenced the New Left: C. Wright Mills & Howard Zinn. The single most characteristic element in the thought of the New Left is the existential commitment to action, in the knowledge that the consequence of action can never be fully predicted; this commitment has survived all changes in pol'al fashion within the New Left. The members of the New Left condemn existing Amer society as 'corporate liberalism' & seek to replace it with 'participatory democracy.' They feel that the work of transforming society requires such tools as insurrectionary violence & dogmatic Marxist & Bolshevik forms of org. This reflects a weakness in the New Left's central concept of corporate liberalism. The theorists of corporate liberalism believe that their main enemy is not the reactionary Right, but the liberal center. This attitude may be compared to that of the German Communist party in the early 1930's which was more hostile toward the Soc Democrats than toward the Nazis. Amer New Left theory assumes that capitalism in the US would not turn to overt authoritarianism. It assesses Amer reality too hopefully. The prospect is not bright, but the trend toward rigorous repression does not necessarily mean the end of the New Left. Its origins go back to the thought & action of resistance against the fascism of the 1930's & 1940's. The spirit of resistance, & even possibly of nonviolent resistance, may yet rise to the occasion. Modified HA.

Cover -- Contents -- Preface -- A Note on Transliteration -- Abbreviations -- Introduction: Israel's New Foreign Policy Consensus after the Oslo Peace Process, 2000-2010 -- 1. Feeling under Siege: Conflicts, Threats, and Regional Order -- 2. Israel's Foreign Policy Consensus: Impact and Implications -- 3. A New Domestic Hegemony: Factors and Explanations -- 4. The Return of Dissent? 2010 to the Present -- Conclusions: Insecurity and the Power of Neo-Revisionist Hegemony -- Appendix A: Key Political Figures -- Appendix B: Chronology -- Bibliography -- Index -- A -- B -- C -- D -- E -- F -- G -- H -- I -- J -- K -- L -- M -- N -- O -- P -- Q -- R -- S -- T -- U -- V -- W -- Y -- Z -- About the Author.

SUMMARYThe article tries to find out whether the political composition of government in twelve Western European countries had any effect on real growth, unemployment and inflation. The method chosen is to combine year after year the countries in 'Left', 'Right' and (left and right) coalition groups and then to compare the group results over the period 1960‐1984. In the period of high growth and full employment political composition plays a minor part. After 1970 the picture changes: the left group (left and left coalition governments) exhibits consistently higher growth and lower unemployment rates than the right group. With regard to inflation the picture is less clear. There is an indication that coalitions have generally fared better than either 'pure' left or 'pure' right governments.

"This book analyses social movements and radical political parties' strategies in Spain, Greece, Portugal and Italy from 2008 to today. Events in 2011 such as the Arab Spring and the indignados movement in Spain initiated a new cycle of social protest. This book explores how the economic crisis and policies of austerity have transformed and continue to transform social movements, trade unions and radical political parties in Southern Europe. The economic crisis has led to a rise in protest movements which confront political institutions and conventional forms of democracy, and develop new spatial and organisational strategies. This book examines these cases, in addition to those groups who, contrastingly, have used institutional politics to achieve their aims, such as new political parties like Podemos in Spain or Movimento 5 Stelle in Italy. Analysing the extent to which there has been a change in approach when it comes to contesting neoliberal capitalism, this book makes an important contribution to the study of social movements and radical politics. With a comparative perspective and an emphasis on studying the largely unexplored recent social and political dynamics in the European periphery, this book is essential reading for students, scholars and activists interested in social movements, radical politics and European politics more generally. "--Provided by publisher.

As theoretical models of policy processes have become more ambitious, scholars have been relying more and more frequently on the policy positions of the relevant actors. Different methods are feasible in deriving these policy positions, but few have been applied to the Swiss parties. In this article, we offer estimates of policy positions for the Swiss political parties using various methods. Our main goal is to assess changes over time of these positions. On comparing the estimates obtained by the various methods, we offer insights on which estimates are preferable and in what contexts. Given the particular characteristics of the Swiss political system, namely a federal country with a non-parliamentary system of government, we also assess the degree to which the Swiss federal parties are unified.

AbstractIn this article the author proposes a schema conception of belief system structure, and employs confirmatory factor analysis, to investigate the connections between Left/Right Orientation and a range of policy-centred and operation-of-government attitudes. Contrary to the results of some earlier research, this study finds that Canadians' morality beliefs are moderately consistent with their evaluations of left and right. The examination includes education and class differences in the ideological integration and range of political belief systems. The major difference between workers and other classes is congruent with the notion that workers possess a dualistic political consciousness.

This week we ask: if the international community can't make states abide by their human rights obligations, what's the point of invoking human rights?