Right-wing women: from conservatives to extremists around the world
In: Women's studies international forum, Band 26, Heft 4, S. 385
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In: Women's studies international forum, Band 26, Heft 4, S. 385
In: Routledge studies in extremism and democracy
Intro -- Inhalt -- 1 Einleitung -- 2 Populismus-Typologien im Zeitalter von Globalisierung und Postdemokratisierung -- 2.1 Terminologie und Gruppenbezeichnungen -- 2.2 Globalisierung, Immigration und Populismus -- 2.3 Anknüpfungen populistischer Ideologien an politische Theorien der Vergangenheit -- 3 Definitionen und Entwicklungsstadien des Populismus -- 4 Parteien und Populismus -- 4.1 Parteien zwischen Populismus und Rechtsextremismus -- 4.2 Rechtspopulismus in Osteuropa -- 4.3 Internationale Zusammenschlüsse -- 4.4 Ursachen des Aufstiegs populistischer Parteien -- 4.5 Populismus und die Medien -- 4.6 Regierungsbeteiligung -- 4.7 Szenarien des Niedergangs -- 5 Populismus, Rechtsextremismus und Neo-Nationalismus -- 5.1 Abgrenzung von Populismus und Rechtsextremismus -- 5.2 Nationalismus als Nährboden für Rechts-extremismus und Rechtspopulismus -- 5.3 Rechtsextremismus und Rechtspopulismus in Umfragen -- 6 Konklusion: Die neue normative Debatte über Demokratie und die Vorzüge und Fehlschläge des Populismus -- 6.1 Vorzüge des Populismus im Parteiensystem -- 6.2 Folgen der Globalisierung -- 6.3 Handlungsempfehlungen für die Parteien -- 6.4 Rechtspopulismus statt einer Gefahr für das demokratische System ein Ansatz für eine Neodemokratie ? -- Literatur
In: Studies in conflict and terrorism, Band 42, Heft 6, S. 559-580
ISSN: 1521-0731
Para-Platforms' investigates the social, spatial, and material reality of right-wing populism. Three case studies--presented in a symposium organized by Markus Miessen at the Gothenburg Design Festival in November 2017--form the core of this collection of essays: journalist Hannes Grassegger on Trump and Brexit; architectural theorist Stephan Trüby on spaces of right-wing extremism in Germany; and Christina Varvia on Forensic Architecture's investigation of the murder of Halit Yozgat, a young German man of Turkish descent, at the hands of a far-right group in 2006. The presentations are reproduced along with the ensuing conversations with Miessen and the audience members. An essay by design scholar Mahmoud Keshavarz opening the book discusses the capacity of design to create conditions for certain politics to occur. Among the other theoretical, artistic, and historical contributions in the reader, editor Zoë Ritts interviews artist Wolfgang Tillmans regarding his pro-EU poster series, the ongoing project truth study centre, and guest-edited volume What Is Different? The volume concludes with a comic by artist Liam Gillick animating a block of granite--culled from the Swedish quarry responsible for extracting the red granite intended for the Third Reich's architectural ambitions--as the messiah of spatial and material politics
In: Forerunners: ideas first from the University of Minnesota Press
"Since its introduction in 2009, Bitcoin has been widely promoted as a digital currency that will revolutionize everything from online commerce to the nation-state. Yet supporters of Bitcoin and its blockchain technology subscribe to a form of cyberlibertarianism that depends to a surprising extent on far-right political thought. The Politics of Bitcoin exposes how much of the economic and political thought on which this cryptocurrency is based emerges from ideas that travel the gamut, from Milton Friedman, F.A. Hayek, and Ludwig von Mises to Federal Reserve conspiracy theorists"--Provided by publisher
Verlagsinfo: The last two decades have seen the emergence of new radical right-wing populist parties in Western democracies. The electoral breakthrough of the French Front National in 1984 was the starting point for the rise of parties combining anti-establishment populism and anti-immigrant politics based on ethno-nationalist ideology, and today radical right-wing populist parties are well represented in national politics in Austria, Belgium, Denmark, France, Italy, Norway, Switzerland, and the Netherlands in Western Europe, as well as in Australia, Canada, and New Zealand. By bringing together some of the foremost experts within this area of research, this book gives a comprehensive image of different aspects of radical right-wing populism: its causes, ideology, and impact.
In: Critical Perspectives Ser
Cover -- Half Title Page -- Title Page -- Copyright -- Dedication -- Acknowledgments -- Contents -- Introduction -- 1. Rebellious Colonizers: Bacon's Rebellion and the American Revolution -- 2. The Real People: Antimasonry, Jacksonianism, and Anti-Catholic Nativism -- 3. A Great Mongrel Military Despotism: The First Ku Klux Klan and the Anti-Chinese Crusade -- 4. Barbarians and Plunder Leagues: Theodore Roosevelt and the Progressives -- 5. 100 Percent Americanism: World War I–Era Repression and the Second Ku Klux Klan -- 6. The Industrialist as Producer: Henry Ford's Corporate Empire -- 7. Driving Out the Money Changers: Fascist Politics in the New Deal Era -- 8. From New Deal to Cold War: Political Scapegoating and Business Conflict from the 1930s to the 1950s -- 9. The Pillars of U.S. Populist Conspiracism: The John Birch Society and the Liberty Lobby -- 10. From Old Right to New Right: Godless Communism, Civil Rights, and Secular Humanism -- 11. Culture Wars and Political Scapegoats: Gender, Sexuality, and Race -- 12. Dominion Theology and Christian Nationalism: Hard-Line Ideology versus Pragmatism -- 13. New Faces for White Nationalism: Reframing Supremacist Narratives -- 14. Battling the New World Order: Patriots and Armed Militias -- 15. The Vast Clinton Conspiracy Machine: The Hard Right on the Center Stage -- 16. The New Millennium: Demonization, Conspiracism, and Scapegoating in Transition -- Conclusions -- Notes -- Appendix A: Sectors of the U.S. Right Active in the Year 2000 -- Appendix B: The Producerist Narrative Used in Right-Wing Populism -- Bibliography -- Index -- About the Authors
In: West European politics, Band 11, Heft Apr 88
ISSN: 0140-2382
Right-wing radicalism may be expressed by actual voting, by voting intentions or by a specific attitude syndrome. Since voting behaviour is neither the only nor the best indicator of an affinity towards right-wing radicalism this affinity is tested by a multiple-indicator approach. Shows that right-wing radicalism is more widespread than could be expected from an analysis of voting patterns alone. Findings fit neatly into a complex theory of right-wing extremist parties as an almost ubiquitous phenomenon which is not only rooted in social structure and the strains of modern society but also in a particular kind of personality structure. (Abstract amended)
This book argues that the political and security threats posed by the domestic radical right in Western countries have been consistently exaggerated since 1945. This has allowed governments to justify censoring and repressing their political opponents, including many who cannot be fairly described as being affiliated with the radical right.
Intro -- Titel -- Impressum -- In Memoriam -- Inhalt | Indice -- Giorgio Mezzalira/Günther Pallaver: Eine Tagung zum Rechtsextremismus in Südtirol Un convegno sull'estrema destra in Alto Adige A conference on the far right extremism in Alto Adige/Südtirol -- Giorgio Mezzalira/Günther Pallaver: Rechtsextremismus. Eine Annäherung L'estrema destra. Uno sguardo d'insieme -- Guido Margheri: L'estrema destra in Italia. Lo spazio di senso in comune della destra plurale -- Kathrin Glösel/Hanna Lichtenberger: Rechtsextremismus in Österreich. Akteure, Straftaten und Gegenstrategien -- Bernhard Weidinger: "… daß deutscher Boden deutsch bleibt". Österreichische Burschenschaften und der Südtirol-Konflikt nach 1945 -- Giorgio Mezzalira: A passo di tartaruga. La nuova estrema destra italiana in Alto Adige -- Johannes Kramer/Alexander Fontó/Lukas Tröger/Max Volgger: Die "Südfront" im Kontext. Neonazistische Szene in Südtirol 1990-2015: Ein Dokumentationsprojekt, ein Ereignisabriss und erste Erkenntnisse -- Leopold Steurer: Südtirol und der Rechtsextremismus. Über "Urangst"-Politik, Geschichtsrevisionismus und rechte Seilschaften -- Wir danken | ringraziamo | our thanks to -- Autorinnen und Autoren | Autori.
In: essentials
Was Sie in diesem essential finden können -- Inhaltsverzeichnis -- 1 Einführung: Populismus undoder Politik?! -- 2 Populismus im historischen Kontext -- 3 Populismus in der heutigen Zeit -- 3.1 Populismus als rhetorischer Stil -- 3.2 Populismus als (dünne) Ideologie -- 3.3 Rechtspopulismus -- 4 Rechtspopulistische Parteien -- 4.1 Organisationsstruktur -- 4.2 Symbiose mit den Medien -- 4.3 Stimmmaximierung und Regierungsbeteiligung -- 5 Fallbeispiele -- 5.1 PVV -- 5.2 AfD -- 6 Rechtspopulisten: Gekommen um zu bleiben? -- Was Sie aus diesem essential mitnehmen können: -- Literatur
In: Polizei + Forschung 44
This Book deals with the psychological effects of extremist propaganda videos. It particularly asks the question how young adults in Germany respond to right-wing as well as Islamic extremist videos which can be found on the Internet today. This is not a book about terrorism, but about the potential conditions which might facilitate a climate of receptivity for radical messages in a young mass audience with diverging cultural and educational background and different attitudes and values. The so called web 2.0, with its mostly unfiltered, user-created content provides unprecedented opportunities for extremists to present themselves and uncensored ideas to a mass audience. This internet propaganda is created in order to increase attention and interest for extremist ideas and group memberships. It also aims to indoctrinate the recipients and, as a last consequence, to foster radicalization. The radicalizing potential has been feared by international security agencies and mass media. Nevertheless, not even the early stage effects of extremist propaganda in terms of raising attention and interest have yet been analyzed empirically. They are however necessary preconditions in order for propaganda to envelope a radicalizing effect. The current studies close this gap by focusing on this early stage effects. We analyzed how a non-radicalized audience responds to extremist internet videos. For the first time, based on a content analysis of actual right-wing and Islamic extremist Internet videos, our study used state-of-the-art methods from experimental media psychology for tracking the emotional and cognitive responses of a broad sample of 450 young male adults. As expected, we mostly found rejection and never strong acceptance for the extremist videos. Still, specific production styles and audience characteristics were able to cause at least neutral attitudes underpinning the strategic potential of internet propaganda. In the end, our studies might result in more questions than answers. However, we are confident that the conceptual as well as the methodological way chosen is most promising as to approach a deeper understanding of the first effects of extremist Internet propaganda.
In: West European politics, Band 11, Heft Apr 88
ISSN: 0140-2382
The political system of the Federal Republic has proved to be extraordinarily flexible and integrative, so that right-wing extremist activities have never posed a serious threat to democracy. Although organised right-wing extremism has never become a mass movement, anti-democratic and even anti-Semitic attitudes are widespread. Hitherto, the bourgeois-democratic parties have managed to effect an electoral integration, but the integrative capacity of the political system could be weakened by economic and political crises and lead to revitalisation of the extreme right. (Abstract amended)
In: West European politics, Band 11, Heft 2, S. 96-110
ISSN: 0140-2382
Die Affinität der Bevölkerung zu rechtsgerichteten Ideologien und Parteien läßt sich nicht ausschließlich anhand des Wahlverhaltens ermitteln. Um zu einer Einschätzung der Attraktivität rechtsextremistischer Bewegungen in den Bevölkerungen der westeuropäischen Länder zu gelangen, müssen andere Untersuchungen wie Meinungsumfragen etc. herangezogen werden. Eine länderübergreifende Analyse der Sozialindikatoren ergibt, daß Rechtsextremismus am stärksten verbreitet ist auf dem Land und in kleinen Städten, in Bevölkerungsgruppen mit niedrigem Einkommen und geringer Schulbildung, in der höheren Altersgruppe und in der "alten Mittelschicht". (AuD-Fsk)
World Affairs Online