Suchergebnisse

El gobierno de España encargó a la Real Academia en 2018 un estudio sobre el lenguaje inclusivo en la Constitución, dando lugar a un agitado debate social, político, legal y lingüístico que sigue estando de actualidad. La pugna entre normativa y visibilidad llegó a su punto más álgido con la publicación de la respuesta académica, que asigna al género masculino la condición de verdadera inclusividad. En este artículo analizaremos la carta magna en busca de marcas de género semántico y gramatical, y evaluaremos las opciones para erradicar la desigualdad y ambigüedad que sufrimos las mujeres en el lenguaje constitucional, a partir de una propuesta de redacción inclusiva que cumpla con los criterios de normatividad, naturalidad, precisión y economía. ; In 2018 the Spanish government commissioned the Royal Academy a study on inclusive language in the Constitution. This raised a hectic social, political, legal and linguistic debate which is still current. The struggle between normativity and visibility reached its peak with the publication of the academic report, which assigns masculine gender the condition of true inclusivity. In this article we will analyze the Constitution in search of semantic and grammatical gender traits, assessing the options available to eradicate the invisibility and ambiguity suffered by women in the constitutional language by means of a proposal of inclusive drafting that abides by the criteria of normativity, naturalness, precision and economy.

The volume has four parts: Part I (Language minorities and inequality) analyses language contact and linguistic diversity as a global phenomenon, Part II (Language planning and language change) focuses on colonialism, imperialism and economics as factors that language policies and planning measures must account for, Part III (Language variation and change in institutional contexts) examines language-related problems in education, religion, science and the Internet, and Part IV (The discourse of linguistic diversity and language change) relates public discourses on language and racism, sexism and political correctness to different ideological positions, values and attitudes. Key features: provides a state-of-the-art description of different areas in the context of linguistic diversity and change presents a critical appraisal of the relevance of the field offers solutions of everyday language-related problems international handbook with contributions from renown experts in the field

Learning the Language -- Patriarchy, privilege, and oppression -- It's not feminism if it's not intersectional -- This is what a feminist looks like -- Sexism, discrimination, and mental health -- Getting woke and staying woke -- The future is a spectrum -- The politics of body oppression -- Sexual and reproductive justice -- The personal is political -- Self-Care is an act of resistance.

The author approaches native languages from the pedagogical point of view, perceiving language as an invisible environment of the upbringing of youths. She indicates the value of the national language in the past as well as currently in the period of globalization, she draws attention to the necessity to protect it and the importance of the Act on the Protection of the Polish Language introduced (1999) with this aim in mind. Analyzing current linguistic modes she gives many examples of carelessness and infringements of the principles of the use of the native language. She points out that respect for the language used is an element of good upbringing. An additional element of the discussion is the expression in the language of the oppression of women, so-called linguistic sexism. The article ends with a demonstration of examples of good practice — activities promoting linguistic culture, including language sensitive to gender issues (inclusive).

From 1960s onwards sexist language intended to denigrate, objectify and trivialize women has been seriously exposed internationally and huge efforts were made to replace it with gender-neutral language. However, to date, sexism has not been fully suppressed and it is especially conspicuous in relation to women who assume active roles in public life. This study has both qualitative and quantitative design and looks into the presence of overt and implicit sexism (as categorized by Mills, 2008) in journalistic discourse and the role of sexist language in molding the image of modern day women politicians. For the purposes of this study, we conduct a critical discourse analysis of a corpus of 40 news articles published on various online news portals and electronic platforms of traditional media. All analyzed articles comment on the political statements and actions of two Macedonian female politicians currently in office – the Minister of Defense and the Mayor of the city of Skopje. The findings suggest that Macedonian journalistic discourse, under the pretext that politicians' dealings need to be monitored closely, scrutinized and even criticized, still leaves the door slightly open for both overt and implicit sexist linguistic forms, which, in turn, depicts female politicians as ill-suited for this type of professional occupation.

This paper explores the role of language in the scientific study of politics. Conceding that politics is naturally an arena of heated disputation, it examines linguistic manifestations of factional polarisation by interpreting words, phrases, and sentences used by the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) politicians during the party's acrimonious splits of 2005 and 2014 and subsequent re-union of 2017. I contend that the use of vituperative, exclusionary and inflammatory language fuelled personality clashes; ethnic chauvinism; sexism; racism; ideological discord and intraparty violence. This often derailed attempts to reconcile the party's bickering factions.

One kind of Mexican street vendor is a foulmouthed clown, whose off-color spiel uses racism, sexism, double-entendre, and nationalist chauvinism to assemble and entertain a crowd and, ultimately, to part its members from their money. Vulgar and highly formulaic, the clown's language reaches its creative peaks when the clown engages individuals—whether passers-by, shills, or marks—in direct interaction and subjects them to insult and verbal abuse for manipulative effect. I consider not the interactive insulation of taboo language but, in this highly public context, its subversive exploitation for both entertainment and commercial gain.

A comparison is made between Judith Butler's book Excitable Speech & her exploration of the politics of the performative, especially pertaining to hate speech. Butler argues that linguistic agency creates a possibility for change, & that people should move away from looking to the law to mandate change in how people see other groups. The article particularly examines Butler's view of political activist Catherine MacKinnon & race theorists Richard Delgado & Mari Matsuda. G. Gifford

In the present paper, language standardization of Serbian is described as a form of institutionalized, legitimized discourse dominance based on a patriarchal cultural model. A sociolinguistic survey, which was conducted among highly educated women (more than half of them in decision-making positions regarding gender sensitive language policy and planning), indicates that there still exists a strong social and academic influence of predominantly male language planners in Serbia who use their publicly recognizable roles to claim that masculine morphological forms for nouns denoting social positions of power are neutral containers of semantic information which do not correspond with the natural gender of agents in public discourse. In consequence, they argue that there is no sexism in the standard Serbian language, thus maintaining and supporting a very strong traditional gender ideology which makes women less visible and less influential in public life. key words: gender ideology, language ideology, patriarchal cultural model, language standardization, grammatical gender and social gender in Serbian

Cover -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Introduction -- What Are Fatphobia and Diet Culture? -- Restriction Doesn't Work: It's Not You -- Dieting: Family, Assimilation, and Bootstrapping -- Dieting Is a Survival Technique -- Internalized Inferiority and Sexism -- Bros ❤ Thinness: Heteromasculinity and Whiteness -- Fatphobia Is the New Language of Classism and Racism -- What Early Fat Activism Taught Me -- In the Future, I'm Fat -- I Want Freedom -- You Have the Right to Remain Fat -- Notes -- Acknowledgments.

En los últimos años en España se ha debatido mucho sobre la cuestión del sexismo lingüístico y sobre hasta qué punto es conveniente o no impulsar lo que se ha denominado un lenguaje inclusivo. A lo largo de este artículo se mostrará como en el fondo de este debate lo que subyace es una disputa por la supremacía sobre la lengua española y sus hablantes, motivado por el conflicto de competencias entre academias de la lengua por un lado e instituciones político-sociales encaminadas a la política y planificación lingüísticas que se sirven de guías y manuales de estilo por el otro. Tanto las unas como las otras cumplen una determinada función, aunque en los últimos años gran parte de la sociedad no haya tenido claro cuál es esta verdaderamente. Esta incertidumbre no ha hecho más que generar confusión entre los propios hablantes a la hora de afrontar el problema del sexismo lingüístico. ; During the last years in Spain the linguistic sexism topic and to what extent is it convenient or not to promote what has been called an inclusive language have been largely debated. Throughout this article we will prove that what lies beneath at the bottom of this debate is a battle for the supremacy over the Spanish language and its speakers. This battle has been caused by the competency conflict among academies of language on the one hand and political and social institutions focused on the linguistic policy and planning, which make use of style guides, on the other hand. Both of them fulfill a particular function, even though during the last years a big part of society has been unsure about what this function really is. This uncertainty has only generated confusion in the own speakers when they have to face the linguistic sexism matter.

Abstract
J. L. Austin argues that ordinary language should be used to identify when it is appropriate or inappropriate to make, accept, or reject knowledge claims. I criticize Austin's account. In our ordinary life, we often accept justifications rooted in racism, sexism, ableism, and classism as reasons to dismiss knowledge claims or challenges, despite the fact such reasons are not good reasons. Austin's Ordinary Language Epistemology (OLE) inadvertently classifies the discounting of knowledge claims in classic cases of epistemic injustice as legitimate ordinary maneuvers. I provide recommendations for revision of OLE and offer a means of distinguishing between dismissals in cases of epistemic injustice and their legitimate counterparts.