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International audience ; Pronounced in English as part of the 11th international conference of the Pacific Islands Political Studies Association (PIPSA), held at the University of Auckland (New Zealand) on 3rd and 4th December 2009 on the theme "Pacific Democracy, What's Happening? ", this conference is to present the participation of Caledonian populations to the statutory changes affecting the archipelago of New Caledonia, notably on the horizon of the next referendum on the future of this territory from 2014 to 2018.The tensions of the 80s, which led to the Matignon-Oudinot Agreement of 1988 and to the Noumea Accord of 1998, have indeed led to the recognition of a "Caledonian citizenship", quite new French law and to a specific recognition Kanak people in law. Above all, the resolution of the conflict has led to a genuine process of negotiation to three (State-Kanak-Loyalists), whom the conclusions are subject of repeated referendums, and continued in the annual meetings under the auspices of the central power. This is probably a unique case of decolonization process through discussion and mutual recognition, in a historical continuity permiting to crossed over on time the different obstacles, and in which the State is not a direct party but arbiter between the communities living in the area. ; Prononcée en anglais dans le cadre du 11ème colloque international de la Pacific Islands Political Studies Association (PIPSA), tenu à l'Université d'Auckland (Nouvelle-Zélande) les 3 et 4 décembre 2009 sur le thème "Pacific Democracy, What's Happening?", cette conférence a pour objet de présenter la participation des populations calédoniennes aux changements statutaires qui affectent l'archipel de Nouvelle-Calédonie, notamment à l'horizon du référendum futur sur l'avenir de cette collectivité en 2014-2018.Les tensions des années 80, qui ont abouti aux Accords de Matignon-Oudinot de 1988 et à l'Accord de Nouméa de 1998, ont en effet conduit à la reconnaissance d'une "citoyenneté calédonienne" nouvelle en droit français et à la reconnaissance spécifique des populations kanak en droit. Surtout, la pacification du conflit a débouché sur un véritable processus de négociation à trois (Etat-Kanak-Loyalistes), dont les conclusions font l'objet de référendums répétés, et continué dans des rencontres annuelles sous l'égide du Pouvoir central. Il s'agit sans doute d'un cas unique de processus décolonisation par la discussion et la reconnaissance mutuelle, dans une continuité historique permettant de franchir pas à pas les obstacles, et dans lequel l'Etat n'est pas une partie directe mais un arbitre entre les communautés vivant sur le territoire.

RESUMEN: En este artículo se analizan las interacciones entre las posiciones intelectuales de los autonomistas cubanos y su idea de la nacionalidad, y la utilización que de la "raza" hicieron los científicos criollos. En una primera parte, se estudian los debates en torno a los pobladores "ideales" con los que constituir una nación moderna y "civilizada", que alejara de Cuba el fantasma de la "africanización". La segunda parte del trabajo se centra en el análisis de la publicación cultural más importante del momento, como fue la Revista de Cuba (1877-1884). Una publicación al servicio de una ciencia criolla, en la que se expuso el concepto de nacionalidad y el proyecto político de los autonomistas, compartido por la mayoría de los científicos cubanos. Palabras Clave: Cuba, ciencia criolla, autonomismo, intelectuales, nacionalidad. ABSTRACT: This article analyzes the interactions between the Cuban Autonomists, their intellectual positions and their ideas about "nationality", and the use of the concept of "race" made by the Criollo scientists. The first part studies debates on the "ideal" settlers for the forming of a modern and "civilized" nation, which would remove the spectre of "Africanization" from Cuba. The second part of this work is focused on the analysis of the most important cultural review of the time, the Revista de Cuba (1877-1884). It was in this publi- cation —which acted as the voice of Criollo science— that the concept of nationality and the political project of the Autonomists, which was shared by most of the Cuban scientists, was expressed. Key words: Cuba, Criollo Science, Autonomism, Intellectuals, Nationality.

In his three-volume history, Antony Polonsky provides a comprehensive survey - socio-political, economic, and religious - of the Jewish communities of eastern Europe from 1350 to the present. Until the Second World War, this was the heartland of the Jewish world: nearly three and a half million Jews lived in Poland alone, while nearly three million more lived in the Soviet Union. Although the majority of the Jews of Europe and the United States, and many of the Jews of Israel, originate from these lands, their history there is not well known. Rather, it is the subject of mythologizing and stereotypes that fail both to bring out the specific features of the Jewish civilization which emerged there and to illustrate what was lost. Jewish life, though often poor materially, was marked by a high degree of spiritual and ideological intensity and creativity. Antony Polonsky recreates this lost world - brutally cut down by the Holocaust and less brutally but still seriously damaged by the Soviet attempt to destroy Jewish culture. Wherever possible, the unfolding of history is illustrated by contemporary Jewish writings to show how Jews felt and reacted to the complex and difficult situations in which they found themselves. This second volume covers the period from 1881 to 1914. It considers the deterioration of the position of the Jews during that period and the new political and cultural movements that developed as a consequence: Zionism, socialism, autonomism, the emergence of modern Hebrew and Yiddish literature, Jewish urbanization, and the rise of popular Jewish culture. Galicia, Prussian Poland, the Kingdom of Poland, and the Tsarist Empire are all treated individually, as are the main towns of these areas. Volume 1 covers the period 1350-1881; Volume 3 covers 1914-2008

The article examines the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic on the development of center-regional relations on the example of the Italian Republic. The pandemic has become a serious test of the effectiveness and strength of interaction between central governments and regions, and analysis of the socio-political results of almost two years of the difficult test makes it possible to clarify the understanding of the nature of modern Italian regionalism, and allows us to present a forecast for its further development. The study of this research is inscribed in a broad analytical and historical context. The conceptualization of analytical tools has been clarified, including the concepts of decentralization, regionalization, federalization, devolution, separatism, irredentism, autonomism. Political decentralization in Italy is considered in a historical retrospective by analyzing the goals, drivers and main milestones of the emergence and development of autonomist and separatist projects, including taking into account the study of the "North-South" issue. Various alternatives for the further evolution of center-periphery relations are considered, taking into account the negative impact of the pandemic. The conclusion is argued that the central government as a whole has demonstrated the ability to mobilize and pursue a flexible policy that meets social demand in key parameters, as a result of which society has rallied around the anti-crisis agenda and increased support for the central government. At this stage, it is considered that a relative public agreement has been reached taking into account the increase of current problems in case of active support of separatist political actors. Provided that the national government develops a further effective policy that keeps in mind the needs of the regions, it will help maintain the stability of the center-regional relations for the future.

La agitación política en esta época demostró la incapacidad española de gestionar las necesidades de los territorios ultramarinos. Desde 1837 España había prometido a Puerto Rico un gobierno con leyes especiales que nunca fueron aprobadas, y que derivó en una solicitud de reformas políticas y económicas desde el asimilismo, que con la creación de los partidos políticos puertorriqueños lentamente derivaría en un deseo de descentralización política y administrativa en base al autonomismo. Diversas circunstancias gubernamentales, unidas a presiones diplomáticas externas provocaron la redacción del proyecto autonómico de Maura, la Ley de Bases de Abárzuza y el intento de desarrollo mediante los Decretos de Castellano con la posterior reforma de Cánovas, que desembocaron en la concesión de un régimen jurídico-político autonómico manifestado en la Carta Autonómica en 1897como un desesperado intento por preservar la soberanía española en la isla. ; Political turmoil at this time demonstrated the Spanish inability to manage the needs of the overseas territories. Since 1837, Spain had promised Puerto Rico a government with special laws that were never passed, and which led to a request for political and economic reforms from asymilism, which with the creation of Puerto Rican political parties would slowly lead to a desire for political and administrative decentralization based on autonomism. Several governmental circumstances coupled with external diplomatic pressure, led to the drafting of Maura's regional project, the Ley de Bases of Abárzuza and the attempt to develop through the Decretos of Castellano, with the subsequent reform of Cánovas, which led to the granting of an autonomous legal-political regime manifested in the Carta Autonómica in 1897 as a desperate attempt to preserve Spanish sovereignty on the island. ; 1. LA POLÍTICA PUERTORRIQUEÑA. 2. EL PLAN PONCE Y EL CAMINO HACIA LA AUTONOMÍA. 3. EL RECONOCIMIENTO DEL AUTONOMISMO PUERTORRIQUEÑO. 4. EL PROYECTO AUTONOMISTA DE MAURA. 5. LA LEY DE BASES. 6. LOS ...

Bodies of Popular Power examines how two place-based social movements actively produce spaces of resistance to challenge neoliberal fragmentation. The first is a worker-recuperated enterprise and the second is an unemployed workers' movement, both of which can trace their origins to the Latin American neoliberal hegemony of the late 1990s. Based on eighteen months of intensive ethnographic fieldwork, I analyze the production of space and the role of autogestión (grassroots control) in each of these sites. Rather than limiting my analysis to how movements struggle within space, I show how these movements have actively produced new geographies in their struggle against neoliberalism. In this way, I put the central ontological tenet of the spatial turn, that space is not only a container of social relations but also a product of them, back at the center of the analysis. The inclusion of the local concept autogestión allows for a critical interrogation of the movement practices that strive to develop democratic subjectivities and build popular power. While there is an extensive literature, predominantly in Spanish, on each of these separate movements, few studies actually analyze them together. In the instances in which these movements are taken together, they are usually understood as examples of "horizontalism" or "autonomism." This work often borrows from political theorists from the Global North who endorse autonomy and resistance at the global level. I contend this analysis conceals the place-based strategies and characteristics of these movements as well as the way in which they engage in an agonistic, hegemonic struggle within civil society but also with and against the state. Theorizing these movement practices as the spatial politics of autogestión, I make a unique contribution to the spatial turn and theories of radical politics while resisting the fetishization of autonomy or "autonomous spaces" that characterizes much of the recent work on social movements, especially in Latin America.

The research explains the process developed during 2020, between the University of Concepción (Chile) and the local municipality, which culminated with a scrutiny of the management in ten key dimensions of the internal municipal organization -structure in form, tax collection, electronic government, maintenance policy, transparency, among others-. It also analyzes the specific impacts on the services provided by the municipality -such as social policy, green infrastructure, urban management, participation and cooperation- and on its partnerships with society and public and private entities. The piloting of the Municipal Certification of Excellence (MCE) required an interaction with data, national sources, but also the adjustment of the ten indicators per dimension in an autopoietic dialectic, where the interpretive scheme was corrected in interaction with the same organization, through the Municipal Administration team, comparing the reality of Concepción with other regional capitals of Chile. It also considered tests, being its sources of intervention the tradition of management evaluation systems and agreements of compliance with standards of the OECD countries, the proposal of guaranteed municipal services to break the banal autonomism without responsibility carried out by the State Commission for Decentralization (2014) and the emblematic case of "Bogotá Cómo Vamos". The process culminated with the requirement of an improvement plan for each indicator, generating an x-ray of the management with six dimensions rated as "excellent" and four rated as "good, with structural challenges". In this way, a process with open data on the qualification of municipal management was achieved in Chile, breaking a key resistance of the associations of municipalities for systems of greater monitoring of local management in Chile, accustomed to being accountable for projects in a generic way without dialogue with their planning instruments in real impacts. Such learning allows enriching the dominant approaches of quality management, focused on organizational processes and macro evaluations that look at territorial indicators that depend on socio-economic contexts and national policies, placing the emphasis on institutional dimensions that improve management with measurable results of local services that should be guaranteed to citizens.

本文從技術的政治經濟學視角,觀察中國上世紀七十年代末八十年代的廣播電視大學運動,主要采用文獻分析的方法,試圖去回答,爲什麽電大教育會從單位辦學制、個人自學制、學校辦學制這三種模式存走向單一的學校辦學體制?在電大運動所歸屬的更大的高教去國家化運動當中,爲什麽社會自治主義、新自由主義與電大教育接合失敗,而國家主義却成功了?爲了回答這些或具體或抽象的問題,本文在前人研究的基礎上提出了「新發展主義」的概念作爲分析工具,指出「效率範式」是七十年代末八十年代新發展主義的主要再現形式,它有追求「生産效率優先」和「成本效率」的兩個方面。在「發展主義範式轉移」的語境下,電大運動是國家以「技術動員」的方式徵用社會經濟資本實現人力資本積累的表現。通過使用新發展主義的「集中性-去集中性」這一對框架性工具,本文指出了社會自治主義表現爲「兩種效率衝突」以及「教育低效」的「反效率」,以及新自由主義表現爲「配置低效」的「反效率」,而與之相比,國家主義反倒因爲教育專業主義和機會平等政治的追求,而與新發展主義的效率追求形成了一致性。新發展主義與社會自治主義、新自由主義和國家主義在這一時期的「接合」與「接合失敗」,是單位辦學制與個人自學制的衰落,以及「公立非公費」的「學校辦學制」日漸崛起的原因。此外,本文從「新發展主義」出發,還提出了「改革辯證法」的認識論,作爲從「改革之交」理解共産中國的一種嘗試。 ; From the perspective of political economy of technology, this research aims to analyze the Chinese Broadcasting and Television University Movement(TVUM) , and to answer two sets of questions: 1) During the TVUM in late 1970s and 1980s, why did the "university-organized learning" model rise? Why did the "danwei-organized learning" model and the "self-learning" model decline simultaneously? 2) Why was the TVUM articulated with Statism successfully? Why did the articulation of the TVUM with Social Autonomism and Neo-liberalism fail ? Documentary analysis is the main research method. In order to answer the questions above, this research constructs the efficiency-oriented model to illustrate and explain Chinese economic development in late 1979s and 1980s. In the context of the paradigm shift of developmentalism, the TVUM took it as the main purpose to promote the accumulation of human capital. In contrast with the "anti-efficiency" of Social Autonomism and Neo-liberalism, this research identifies that Statism unexpectedly presents its consistency with the effenciency-oriented model by combining the professionalism of education and equal-opportunity politics. The rise and the declination in the TVUM are attributed to the success and the failure of articulation with the efficenecy-oriented model respectively. Moreover, this research preliminarily constructs "the dialectics of the reform" as the perspective of interpreting Communist ...

The Chilean student movement that began in early 2011 poses a significant challenge to Chilean neoliberalism and is beginning to reconfigure left politics within the country. Specifically, the movement's demands for free education and public control of strategic domestic industries strikes at the heart of neoliberalism in Chile. In addition, in emphasizing the importance of participatory democracy and mass participation, the movement goes beyond the boundaries of the established left and is now struggling to create a new left capable of furthering its political goals. This emerging left roughly fits within the politics of autonomism. In doing so, it displays a break from the experiences of twentieth-century left politics and is consistent with other recent movements in Latin America. However, the student movement in Chile risks co-optation by the established political class. In addition, the autonomous left remains small and lacks a coherent alternative to neoliberalism with broad appeal. Therefore, the victory of Michelle Bachelet and the Nueva Mayoría in the 2013 elections is unlikely to result in substantial changes to neoliberalism in Chile. El movimiento estudiantil chileno, que comenzó a principios de 2011, representa un desafío importante para el neoliberalismo chileno y está empezando a reconfigurar la política de izquierda en el país. En concreto, las demandas del movimiento para la educación gratuita y el control público de las industrias nacionales estratégicas toca el corazón del neoliberalismo en Chile. Además, en destacar la importancia de la democracia participativa y la participación de las masas, el movimiento va más allá de los límites de la izquierda establecida y ahora está luchando para crear una nueva izquierda capaz de promover sus objetivos políticos. Esta izquierda emergente se encaja más o menos dentro de la política del autonomismo. Al hacerlo, muestra un quiebre con las experiencias de la política de izquierda del siglo XX, y es consistente con otros movimientos recientes en América Latina. Sin embargo, el movimiento estudiantil en Chile corre el riesgo de cooptación por la clase política establecida. Además, la izquierda autónoma sigue siendo pequeña y carece de una alternativa coherente al neoliberalismo que tenga amplia atracción. Por lo tanto, es poco probable que la victoria de Michelle Bachelet y la Nueva Mayoría en las elecciones de 2013 resulte en cambios sustanciales al neoliberalismo en Chile.

This paper seeks to embed into a broader narrative on the political thought of the West German student movement a reading of Schmid's 1975 text in "Autonomie", which synthesized the SDS anti-authoritarians' tradition of a politicized critique of late capitalism with the autonomist impulse in Italian "operaismo". It is argued that in holding out the promise of revolutionary practice in the absence of revolutionary organization, Schmid displaced the very notion of revolutionary practice from the system to the subject level - an issue raised by Kraushaar's 1978 critique of a "ghettoized" milieu consumed by the "radicalization of its own life context". The trans-localization of the alternative milieu, particularly in the form of Green Lists and "die tageszeitung", was subsequently justified by milieu actors as a breakout from the ghetto, but would in turn undermine the milieu's autonomist foundations. Ultimately, Kraushaar's conundrum of "autonomy or ghetto" remained unresolved - reflecting the extra-parliamentary left's inability to integrate strategies of milieu and offensive into a unifying strategy, as Dutschke's 1967 essay "The Long March" had enjoined it to do; the Greens' subsequent entry into parliaments was an expression of the abandonment, not the beginning, of a "long march through the institutions".

Статья поднимает проблему взаимоотношений Русской и Финляндской Православных Церквей. После официального признания в 1957 г. Московским Патриархатом Финляндской Православной Архиепископии в юрисдикции Константинопольского Патриархата проблема финляндско-русских церковных отношений перестала быть предметом серьезных исследований, что повлекло за собой изменение в отношении к русскому периоду истории Финляндской Православной Церкви. Обращая внимание на формулировки основополагающих документов о каноническом статусе Финляндской Церкви в контексте исторических событий, автор пытается привлечь внимание к упущенным ранее вследствие идеологических и политических ограничений деталям процесса автономизации Финляндской епархии, бывшей некогда частью Русской Церкви. Автор цитирует Томос Вселенского Патриарха Мелетия (Метаксакиса) о принятии Финляндской Православной Церкви в свою юрисдикцию, Постановление Св. Синода Русской Церкви относительно этого, переписку участников событий, комментарии профессора С. В. Троицкого. В статье обращено внимание на то, что при праздновании в 2013 г. юбилея 90-летия Финляндской Архиепископии не был учтен тот факт, что автономию впервые она получила не в 1923 г. в Константинополе, а в 1921 г. благословением Святейшего Патриарха Тихона. Помимо этого, в 1957 г. из-за контроля государственных властей в Московской Патриархии не было возможности открыто обсудить проблему Финляндской Православной Церкви. Однако вычеркивать русский период истории православия в Финляндии не лучший вариант для самих финляндцев, поскольку в этом случае есть угроза потерять часть исторической памяти и ценный опыт. ; The article explores the issue of the interrelation between the Russian and the Finnish Orthodox Churches. In 1957 the Moscow Patriarchy has offi cial recognized the Orthodox Archbishopric of Finland under the Constantinople Patriarchy's jurisdiction and the problem of Finnish-Russian church relations ceased to be the subject of serious investigations. This situation caused the change of relation towards the Russian period in the history of the Finnish Orthodox Church. The author draws attention to constitutive documents' formulations concerning the canonical status of the Finnish Orthodox Church in the context of historical events. She attracts attention to missed earlier, owing to ideological and political restrictions, the process's details of autonomism of the Finnish diocese, the part of the Russian Church previous to 1921. In 2013 the Orthodox Archbishopric of Finland has solemnly celebrated the 90 anniversary of the autonomy. This implies the Russian period of the Finnish Orthodox Church has been forgotten. But this is important to hold the remembrance about that time in the historical memory by orthodox Finns because of the valuable experience of a church life.

It goes without saying that during the nineteenth and twentieth century literary historiography tries to define national identities. However, a methodological and paradigm shift occur at the beginning of the twenty-first century when, under the auspices of globalization and the emergence of world literature and transnational literary studies, literary historiography is re-thought as a collective and transnational project. Yet, the asymmetry of the world literary system affects literary historiography too. When it comes to this scholarly genre, the asymmetry is most visible in the fact that in the era of transnationalism, national histories are still written at the periphery. Given the aforementioned observation, this paper a) looks into the challenges of writing literary history in Romania in the age of world literature and transnational studies, and b) tries to explain why a national literary history is still needed and how it can change the way we think about Romanian literature. The starting point of this inquiry is represented by the publication of Mihai Iovănel's Istoria literaturii române contemporane: 1990-2020 [History of Contemporary Romanian Literature: 1990-2020]. In the context of the 'transnational turn' in literary studies, the attempt to write relevant national histories in a peripheral literary space such as Romania is faced, in my view, with two major challenges: 1) the fact that transnationalism manifests itself differently at the periphery and 2) the tradition of Romanian literary criticism and history. The former refers to the fact that unlike central literatures, where transnationalism is shaped to a large extent by migrant writers (those who enter these literatures), in Romanian literature it comprises exiled or migrant writers (those who left Romania and not vice versa) and, to a lesser extent, the literatures written by ethnic minorities. A comparative approach can cast light on this difference. For example, while the thirteenth volume of The Oxford English Literary History is dedicated entirely to migrant and bicultural writers, transnational histories concerning the peripheries, such as History of the Literary Cultures of East-Central Europe, focus on multiple literary spaces and therefore have a different approach to dealing with transnationalism. The latter challenge is represented, as shown by Iovănel, by the long-lasting tradition of the "principle of aesthetic autonomism", which persists even in post-communist Romania. In this regard, this paper aims to show that Iovănel's History… overcomes the above-mentioned hindrances of literary criticism and succeeds in offering an image of Romanian literature not as confined to its national boundaries but as part of the world literary system. Along with other significant scholarly works on Romanian literature as and in world literature, this project is a significant step towards re-thinking Romanian literature as a "literature of the world" (Terian 2015).

Dopo un accenno al rilievo attivo ed operoso dell'eloquenza secentista (Tesauro e Peregrini), l'indagine prende le mosse dal processo di elezione e legittimazione di Adone a re di Cipro nel poema di G.B. Marino, indagandone i tratti di un'assurzione politica estetica ma non estranea a un consenso sociale e civile capace di rideterminare propositivamente le categorie del potere. Dialogando con i poemetti, i panegirici e gli altri scritti politici mariniani, questo disegno di legittimazione è poi traslato verso le prospezioni politico-accademiche del Marino biografico, sottolineandone il disegno utopico di un'alleanza franco-veneta-piemontese sotto l'egida di Venere, in funzione antispagnola ma con prospettiva marcatamente irenica. Vengono condotti rilievi sui passi dell'Adone più sensibili alle questioni politiche coeve, sempre lette in chiave e in risoluzione estetico-irenica e non bellica (guerre di Francia, del Monferrato e degli Uscocchi). Attraverso un confronto costante con i messaggi politici di Campanella e Sarpi in specie, si rintracciano le medesime piste di politicità pacifica e progressiva nell'opera dei secentisti in tutto l'arco del secolo (sp. Achillini, Battista, Materdona, Bruni, Lubrano, in dialogo con Frugoni), rideclinando decisamente in tutte le sue variabili il topos apparentemente monolitico della difesa della ragion di stato. Vengono reperiti fondamenti analoghi anche in esempi selezionati dal formalismo secentesco. Infine, discutendone anche i rapporti con la questione del tacitismo e dell'autonomismo italiano, vengono convogliate le osservazioni fin qui condotte nei modelli di Ciro di Pers e Bartolomeo Dotti, assurti a esempi significativi di un'espressione poetico-politica non asfittica, ma particolarmente vivace, capace, pur in un difficile rapporto con il potere, di fondarsi su aspirazioni libertarie e democratiche. ; After a consideration of the performative features of XVIIth century's eloquence (Tesauro and Peregrini), Adonis's election and legitimacy process to become the King of Cyprus in the Marino's poem is considered, investigating the aesthetic features of his policy, although not unrelated to a social and civic consensus which redefines the categories of power. Talking about the poems, the panegyrics and other political Marinian writings, this plan of legitimacy is then translated into political and academic exploration of the biographical Marino, underlining the utopia of a Franco-Venetian-Piedmont alliance under the auspices of Venus, with an anti-Spanish function but a pacifist perspective. Surveys are conducted on the passages of Adone which are more sensitive to contemporary political issues, always read in an aesthetic and pacifist key and resolution (wars of France, Monferrato and the Uscocchi's). Through a constantly ongoing dialogue with the political messages of Campanella and Sarpi, the same tracks of peaceful and progressive politicization are retraced in the XVIIth century's writers' work throughout the century (Achillini, Battista, Materdona, Bruni, Lubrano), critically ridiscussing the topos of the raison d'état. Foundations are found in similar examples selected from the seventeenth-century formalism. Finally, discussing the relationships with the Italian autonomism-tacitism issue, the observations conducted so far are conveyed into the models of Ciro di Pers and Bartolomeo Dotti, risen to important examples of poetic and political expression, non asphyxiated but particularly lively, capable, even in a difficult relationship with the power, of being based on libertarian and democratic aspirations.

Jean-Jacques de Felice belatedly defended the Breton autonomists. Others have invested more sustainably in this area, such as Henri Leclerc or Yann Choucq. However, while Breton's autonomy never had a place for Jean-Jacques de Felice in the Algerian fighting, it allowed him to develop his beliefs against police arbitrariness. Although sometimes confused, as a lawyer marked on the left, by the — often confusing — political expressions of the autonomist movement, whose ideological affiliations vary from the extreme left to the extreme right, Jean-Jacques de Felice will nevertheless find it a subject to continue his fight against his old enemy: the State Safety Court. The archives, while making it possible to highlight the struggle of a human rights lawyer, also cast a spotlight on an autonomous Breton movement that is still unclear to historians. ; International audience ; Jean-Jacques de Felice belatedly defended the Breton autonomists. Others have invested more sustainably in this area, such as Henri Leclerc or Yann Choucq. However, while Breton's autonomy never had a place for Jean-Jacques de Felice in the Algerian fighting, it allowed him to develop his beliefs against police arbitrariness. Although sometimes confused, as a lawyer marked on the left, by the — often confusing — political expressions of the autonomist movement, whose ideological affiliations vary from the extreme left to the extreme right, Jean-Jacques de Felice will nevertheless find it a subject to continue his fight against his old enemy: the State Safety Court. The archives, while making it possible to highlight the struggle of a human rights lawyer, also cast a spotlight on an autonomous Breton movement that is still unclear to historians. ; Jean-Jacques de Felice vient tardivement à la défense des autonomistes bretons. D'autres avant lui s'y sont plus durablement investis à l'exemple d'Henri Leclerc ou de Yann Choucq. Pour autant si l'autonomisme breton n'a jamais eu pour Jean-Jacques de Felice la place qu'ont tenue les combats algériens, ...

"Canonical theorists of sovereignty (Hobbes, Rousseau, and others) put the monopoly of power at the center of their definitions. These thinkers abstracted from western European experiences to universal norms. In the wake of their transformative contributions, states that did not fit the model appeared to be underdeveloped or deviant. Labels such as "provisional" or "irregular" rendered them irrelevant to theorizing and, worse, political problems that needed to be solved. One early "anomaly," says historian Natasha Wheatley, was the Habsburg Empire. Layered as it was with imperial, national, and regional sovereignty, its trajectory was not one of progress toward a unitary state. Instead, it encompassed compound polities, or states bundled together under experimental constitutional orders. Wheatley's aim in this book is to theorize from Central Europe to see how sovereignty can be produced in a complex world. In reconstructing this political and legal history, Wheatley treats Austria-Hungary as a crucible for modern legal theory. The serial remaking and eventual unmaking of imperial sovereigny in Central Europe showed how old-world dynastic conceptions of sovereignty were translated into abstract categories of modern legal thought. In so doing, she uncovers the irresolvable tensions and strategic silences in modern political theory: the presumed unity and timelessness of states. Eschewing explanations of "failure," she instead uncovers how the Central European experience crystallized legal questions that would arise again in the era of global decolonization, connecting the story of the end of empire to the birth of new nations throughout the twentieth century. In this respect, the work serves not only as a history of Central Europe but also a "prehistory" of the era of decolonization"--