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Abstract
Since its early days, the labor movement has considered itself to be surrounded by a hostile bourgeois public and sought to counter this with a party press. As a result of the Cold War, Western social democratic parties abandoned in part their traditional beliefs about demarcation. Nevertheless, with the International Federation of the Socialist and Democratic Press, an organization emerged from 1951 to 1982 that manifested separation from the bourgeois public sphere. Drawing on an analytical framework derived from counterpublic theory, this article analyzes ideas and practices developed by members of the organization linked to the Socialist International. The analysis of archival sources reveals that social democratic journalists and publishers remained wedded to the idea of a socialist press countering a hostile public sphere. However, the ideas and practices were mostly limited to strategies aimed at adapting to the existing media structures and only later included media policy approaches.

Many studies have illustrated how digital media can facilitate political criticisms and protests, but recent scholarship has noted the ability of authoritarian states to control the Internet and undermine its oppositional character. This study focuses on the "hybrid regime" of Hong Kong, where the progovernment forces have tried to counteract the formation of an online counterpublic sphere by setting up numerous online outposts since the mid-2010s. It examines how exposure to progovernment online media content is related to political attitudes. In addition to a direct relationship, drawing on inoculation theory, this article contends that progovernment online media may also consolidate support for the government by neutralizing the influence of online alternative media. Survey data analysis shows that exposure to progovernment online media content indeed related to more conservative views, and the connection between online alternative media use and prodemocracy attitudes was weaker among older citizens regularly exposed to progovernment online media.

This study examines the online communicative dynamics between women and men during the Saudi women's rights campaign to end male guardianship, which unfolded on Twitter. We analysed 2.7 million tweets with the #EndMaleGuardianship hashtag over a 7-month period quantitatively and 150,245 of these qualitatively to examine the extent to which Twitter shapes and facilitates cross-gender communication, and how this helped engender new spaces for expression of dissent. Our study shows that Twitter provided shared online communicative spaces that had several characteristics commonly associated with public sphere(s). There is also evidence that using these alternatives spaces, women transcended to an extent the gender segregation that exists in traditional public discourses and spaces of Saudi society. The anonymity of Twitter offered women a safe place to deliberate their concerns about male guardianship. We suggest that these deliberations created a counterpublic sphere of sorts, which helped Saudi women legitimise the #EndMaleGuardianship campaign.

This article examines the opportunities and challenges of using the Internet both to promote collective action and identity in the Singapore gay community and as a medium for health intervention. It presents a case study of a community-empowerment project by civil society group Action for AIDS. Framed within a societal context which is hostile toward gay people, and in a place where mixed-media campaigns targeting men who have sex with other men (MSM) are prohibited, this article explores the viability of the Internet as an alternative channel to mass media in reaching out to MSM in Singapore. Through a series of semi-structured interviews and virtual ethnographic content analyses, this article weighs the democratizing and collaborative affordances of the Internet against the uninhibited nature of online discussions in the formation of a counterpublic of sexuality where gay individuals collectively elaborate on meanings about erotic practices, identity, and relations between each other and with the state.

It may be challenging to see how illegal hunting, a crime that ostensibly proceeds as shoot, shovel and shut up in remote rural communities, at all communicates with the regime. Examining the socio-legal interplay between hunters and state regulation, however, clarifies illegal hunting to be part of a politically motivated pattern of dissent that signals hunters' disenfranchisement from the polity. While few contemporary illegal hunters cut conscientious figures like Robin Hood, their violation of illegitimate law may likewise testify to a profound disjuncture between legality and legitimacy. This is the premise taken in the following research. Here it is observed contemporary Swedish hunters experience the deliberative system pertaining to wildlife and wolf conservation to be systematically stacked against them and unable to serve as a site for critical law-making that provides equal uptake of all voices. One manifestation of their growing disenfranchisement is the establishment of a counterpublic mobilised on the basis of shared semantics for the sorts of deliberative deficits they argue befall them in the present. Within the remit of their counterpublic, hunters undertake and justify illegal hunting along with other forms of disengaging dissent like abstentions, non-compliance, boycotts and conscientious refusals with state agencies. The research captures hunters' dissent in Smith's deliberative disobedience, a deliberative and Habermasian grounded reinterpretation of the more familiar classical theory of civil disobedience. On this perspective, illegal hunting signals a deficit in the deliberative system, which hunters both bypass by taking an alternative conduit for contestation, and draw attention to when they undertake dissent. The dissent in this case study is deconstructed in terms of its grammar—as simultaneously engaging and disengaging with the premises of power—and in terms of its communicative content. Set within the field of Environmental Communication, the dissertation is intended as an empirical and theoretical contribution to a discussion on the boundaries of political dialogue in the context of civic disenfranchisement: it asks whether some of hunters' dissent may be parsed as a call for a more inclusive debate, or as dialogic acts in themselves. Finally, it presents ways toward short-term and longer-term reconciliation of hunters with the deliberative system, drawing on the work of contestatory citizen mini-publics from the third wave of deliberative democracy.

Introduction : Black flight / Candis Watts Smith -- 1. African American, Black ethnic, and Dominican political relations in contemporary New York City / Sharon D. Wright Austin -- 2. Black immigration and ethnic respectability : a tale of two cities, New York and Los Angeles / Cory Charles Gooding -- 3. A sanctuary for whom? Race, immigration, and the Black public sphere / Niambi M. Carter -- 4. The three dimensions of political incorporation : Black politics in a majority-minority city / Andrea Benjamin -- 5. The needles in the haystack : assessing the effects of time, place, and class on Blacks in majority-white suburbs / Ernest B. McGowen III -- 6. Black come-outers and the counterpublic : how suburbanization is diversifying Black attitudes / Reuel R. Rogers -- 7. Moving up, out, and across the country : regional differences in the causes of neighborhood change and its effect on African Americans / Jessica Lynn Stewart -- 8. People were not as friendly as I had hoped : Black residential experiences in two multiracial neighborhoods / Sarah Mayorga-Gallo -- Conclusion : Where do we go from here? / Christina M. Greer.

Frontmatter -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- 1. Take Back Our Future: An Eventful Sociology of the Hong Kong Umbrella Movement / Lee, Ching Kwan -- 2. Prefigurative Politics of the Umbrella Movement: An Ethnography of Its Promise and Predicament / Chow, Alex Yong Kang -- 3. Transgressive Politics in Occupy Mongkok / Yuen, Samson -- 4. The Spectrum of Frames and Disputes in the Umbrella Movement / Law, Wing Sang -- 5. Mediascape and Movement: The Dynamics of Political Communication, Public and Counterpublic / Lee, Francis L. F. -- 6. Where Have All the Workers Gone? Reflections on the Role of Trade Unions during the Umbrella Movement / Chan, Chris K. C. -- 7. How Students Took Leadership of the Umbrella Movement: Marginalization of Prodemocracy Parties / Sing, Ming -- 8. Hong Kong's Hybrid Regime and Its Repertoires / Cheng, Edmund W. -- 9. Protest Art, Hong Kong Style: A Photo Essay / Ho, Oscar -- 10. Taiwan's Sunflower Occupy Movement as a Transformative Resistance to the "China Factor" / Wu, Jieh-min -- Afterword. Hong Kong's Turn toward Greater Authoritarianism / Sing, Ming -- Contributors -- Index

Since the advent of social media at the turn of the 21st century, scholars of communication, cultural studies, and media studies have long been invested in the question of the relationship between social media platforms and the discursive formation of counterpublics for social movement mobilization. In this article, we seek to pose a new question for scholarly inquiry: How do citizens leverage the tools of social media platforms to reconstitute counterpublics in times of crisis? Toward this end, we conduct a comparative case study of the way citizens leverage platforms for counterpublic formation in the Republic of Georgia and the United States. Both cases represent two ends of the Janus-face of the 21st-century Internet: The Internet as a tool for public will-formation that can enrich the flowering of democracy across digital spaces, and the Internet as a tool capable of undermining traditional norms of public will formation predicated on shared understanding across the public sphere(s).

When public relations as a field professionalized in Finland in the 1960s, it had knock-on effects beyond the corporate world. As an example of this, I analyse various public relations-like strategies adopted by a party political women's organization, the Finnish Women's Democratic League. I show that as a radical left organization, the Finnish Women's Democratic League began to value media visibility in the mid-1960s, but it also continued to use more traditional communication forms, such as leaflets and workplace visits, to spread its ideological message. The changes of emphasis between various forms of communication were affected by the politicization of Finnish society, which caused tensions between the bourgeois dominant public and the 'people's democratic' counterpublic. My analysis is based on a close reading of minutes of Finnish Women's Democratic League meetings, press releases and other archival material, as well as Pippuri, the organization's internal magazine, and Uusi Nainen, a commercial women's magazine published by the organization .

Drawing on archival records, oral histories, and the 1970s underground press, this article retraces the history of International Videoletters, a feminist video exchange network that operated from 1975 to 1977. Though primarily based in the United States, the network expressed global aspirations to transform the televisual landscape, a goal it shared with other activist video collectives of the era. However, in contrast to many male-led guerrilla television groups, International Videoletters prioritized its independence from broadcast television, structuring its network instead as an autonomous, women-run media system. I argue that by emphasizing the relationship between video producers and viewers through nonhierarchical organizational structures, independent distribution systems, and dynamic feedback sessions, International Videoletters fostered a feminist counterpublic committed to transforming media representation of women. Through analysis of the network's operations and output, this article asserts the centrality of grassroots feminist media initiatives like International Videoletters to the history of guerrilla television, where they have largely been overlooked.

Using Michael Warner's () conception of publics and counterpublics, we can see that historically much of fandom was situated in the position of counterpublic as fans not only were placed on the outskirts by others but also actively participated in acts that ran counter to the mainstream reading and consumption of media content. Current media fans of popular American franchises, however, are often courted by corporations and those with the power to influence the mainstream. There is an interest in the types of transformative practices in which fans engage. In actively seeking these audience members and their practices, corporations are forcing these groups into a more public position while helping to shift the types of activities that are considered part of fandom. Essentially, by bringing 'desirable' and 'affirmational' media fans into the mainstream, corporations are reorganizing them as publics in terms of their position within society, and this shift could contribute to a change in what it means to be a media fan.

2019 Summer. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; The purpose of this thesis is to uncover the rhetorical strategies employed by Emma González throughout her "We call BS!" speech (i.e., February 17, 2018) and her "March for Our Lives" speech (i.e., March 24, 2018). Chela Sandoval's theorization of differential consciousness is used to uncover the ways González shifts her subject position from "kid," "teenager," and "student" in order to challenge "adults," the "President," and "lawmakers" to create systemic change. In this thesis, I argue Emma González uses the affective capacities of grief and silence to construct a counterpublic. Through González's rhetorical strategies a moment of silence is transformed from a ritual to a political act. Public grief is used as a tool for healing and reconciliation allowing for a national community to contend with the harrowing effects of gun violence. To conclude, with gun violence continuing to be a pervasive social problem, I discuss contributions, limitations, and directions for future studies.

This article traces how Roma are crafting and changing their representation in the media and thus discursively moving from passive victims to active subjects by engaging in strategic framing and advocacy. I focus on public discussions of the French expulsion of Roma in the summer of 2010. The nature of the coverage and the engagement of Romani voices mark a shift away from the traditional trope of Roma as criminal, victim, or absent. This is part of a shifting process where Roma use media as a political tactic, even to mobilize transnationally as a subaltern counterpublic. This article demonstrates how the tactic of counterframing is employed within Romani and mainstream English-language media and how Roma engage in media activist strategies to shift the frame away from demands for Roma to prove their worth as humans to the need for members of the European Union to prove they are not engaged in systemic economic, political, and social human rights abuses.

This article examines the widespread notion that post-apartheid democracy can be deepened and civil society strengthened by NGO activities in the sphere of public debate and participation. I focus on a number of interrelated processes which I argue may compromise NGOs' ability to expand the public sphere: first, donors' overwhelming focus on NGOs as the sole representative of civil society may contribute to a homogenous and institutionalised public sphere; second, the tendency for NGOs to be drawn into partnerships with government bodies and corporate sponsors casts doubt on their ability to open up spaces for critical public debate. By directing attention to popular movements as potentially offering a site for the production of critique, NGOs' relationships to such movements are examined. It is argued that attention must be paid to the processes of NGO-isation and reformism by which NGOs themselves come to define what civil society should be and may consequently contain counterpublic spheres.

Intro -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Part One: Framing Race, State Violence, and Radical Movements -- Introduction: Opening Salvo // Moon-Ho Jung -- 1. "Standing at the Crossroads": Why Race, State Violence, and Radical Movements Matter Now // George Lipsitz -- Part Two: Traversing the Pacific -- 2. Mobilizing Revolutionary Manhood: Race, Gender, and Resistance in the Pacific Northwest Borderlands // Kornel Chang -- 3. Dangerous Amusements: Hawaii's Theaters, Labor Strikes, and Counterpublic Culture, 1909-1934 // Denise Khor -- Part Three: Forging Multiracial Fronts -- 4. Positively Stateless: Marcus Graham, the Ferrero-Sallitto Case, and Anarchist Challenges to Race and Deportation // Kenyon Zimmer -- 5. Relief and Revolution: Southern California Struggles against Unemployment in the 1930s // Christina Heatherton -- Part Four: Seeing Radical Connections -- 6. Policing Gay LA: Mapping Racial Divides in the Homophile Era, 1950-1967 // Emily K. Hobson -- 7. Carceral Migrations: Black Power and Slavery in 1970s California Prison Radicalism // Dan Berger -- Part Five: Fighting a State of Violence -- 8. Hypervisibility and Invisibility: Asian/American Women, Radical Orientalism, and the Revisioning of Global Feminism // Judy Tzu-Chun Wu -- 9. Radicalizing Currents: The GI Movement in the Third World // Simeon Man -- Contributors -- Index.