Suchergebnisse

First published 1997, this volume examines the way in which political corruption remains neglected as a matter of scholarly enquiry and research. There is still a powerful and traditional taboo which is quite out of the step with the topic's real world significance and the increasing attention it receives from serious sections of the media. The book aims by systematic exposition and case study to break down that taboo and to demonstrate the topic's importance within a framework provided by the discipline of geography. The novelty of the book is then that it considers a formerly unconsidered factor - corruption - as part of the world's geography, as both part of the geographical context in which human activity takes place and as a spatially variable condition explicable at least in part in terms of other geographies. The conclusion is that much geographical scholarship ignores this factor at the risk of its credibility.

The dominant belief among both teachers and graduate students of political science seems to be that political theory constitutes the heart of their subject; yet political theory is not, in practice, the core of political science teaching. Such is the schizoid condition of political science and political scientists that is revealed by the investigations of the Committee for the Advancement of Teaching of the American Political Science Association. The hypothesis advanced in this note presents a dual reason for the unfortunate situation: it is partly that political theorists have failed to keep up with the times and have not engaged in sufficient value-free theoretical study of the raw data of politics, and partly that vast numbers of political scientists have falsely concluded that one of the most important parts of the traditional study of political theory—political ethics—is not susceptible of scientific treatment and should rigorously be eschewed.

This research paper was aims to explore the dimensions of the political development that are closely related to the existence of a political system that is confronted with progressive social and political changes. Democracy as the pillar of the implementation of constitutional government is a form of political development idealism which in its implementation moves dynamically and synergizes with the prevailing political system. As one manifestation of democratic implementation, political institutionalization is the most important part in the implementation of democratic governance. The role of political parties in all countries including in Indonesia, in the plain view, coloring the political dynamics of the government. Understanding political development certainly will not be separated from the social transformation, because social changes that was occur in society also move rapidly, but on the other hand the reality of public political education is not in line with the political changes that occur due to the swift external factors including the development of foreign politics. In this critical study, certainly not all dimensions of political development will be discussed but try to express the ideas was related to democracy, political parties in the perspective of political education which includes democracy, political parties and the problem, the reality of public political education. the link between democracy, political parties and political education is at the core of this study.

Among political scientists, even among political theorists, there is a widespread conviction that political theory has entered upon a time of troubles. Few, however, regard it simply as a "dead dog," and political theorists continue, as they should, to administer critical self-analysis, and to define and defend their methodological and philosophical positions. The basis for a unity of opposites is still a subject for dispute. This paper is offered, not as a solution, but as a statement of one conception of the role of political theory.A time-honored technique of dialectic is to seek well-reasoned objections to the view one does not hold. A medicine often commended to the political scientists is a body of systematic, scientific theory akin to economic theory in approach and methodological sophistication. Accordingly, this article takes issue with that interpretation which conceives of political theory as, ideally, the master discipline whereby the science of politics is to be unified and systematized, and empirical investigation oriented and guided. A few definite and carefully developed proposals for reconstruction along these lines, familar to political scientists, are G. E. G. Catlin's The Science and Method of Politics, Harold D. Lasswell's and Abraham Kaplan's Power and Society, and David Easton's The Political System. These works can serve as an initial point of purchase for analysis and discussion.

Numerous attempts to discover an empirical link between political discontent & aggressive or violent political behavior have produced disappointing results. It is hypothesized that the mobilization of political discontent is most likely to occur when certain other facilitating conditions are met. The likelihood that attitudes will be translated into action would seem to be enhanced when: (1) individuals believe that they are entitled to play a meaningful role in the policy-making process, ie, when they have a strong sense of internal political efficacy; & (2) when they express a sense of dissatisfaction with the policy outputs of government. Using a sample of Coll undergraduates (N = 259) surveyed in 1979, these expectations are confirmed. The relationship between feelings of political discontent (especially the attitude of external inefficacy, or a belief that the government is unresponsive to citizen demands) & attitudes toward political protest & violence is much stronger among those who score high on indices of internal efficacy & policy dissatisfaction. The relationship is strongest among students who satisfy both of these qualifying conditions. If the findings can be generalized to other populations, a rise in levels of internal efficacy &/or policy dissatisfaction, combined with a failure to restore a sense of public trust in government, may enhance the potential for political change in the US. 2 Tables. Modified AA.

This study presents evidence for the mediation effect of political knowledge through political self-efficacy (i.e. internal political efficacy) in the prediction of political participation. It employs an action theoretic approach—by and large grounded on the Theory of Planned Behaviour—and uses data from the German Longitudinal Election Study to examine whether political knowledge has distinct direct effects on voting, conventional, and/or unconventional political participation. It argues that political knowledge raises internal political efficacy and thereby indirectly increases the chance that a citizen will participate in politics. The results of mediated multiple regression analyses yield evidence that political knowledge indeed translates into internal political efficacy, thus it affects political participation of various kinds indirectly. However, internal political efficacy and intentions to participate politically yield simultaneous direct effects only on conventional political participation. Sequentially mediated effects appear for voting and conventional political participation, with political knowledge being mediated by internal political efficacy and subsequently also by behavioural intentions. The mediation patterns for unconventional political participation are less clear though. The discussion accounts for restrictions of this study and points to questions for answer by future research.