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This article develops a critique of the 'economistic' approach to understanding social bias in parliamentary representation. It asks why it is so difficult to reduce social bias and achieve change towards a more demographically representative parliament. It argues that what is needed to understand political representation and social identity is a theory that does not polarise subjectivity and social structure in the way the economistic approach polarises 'supply' and 'demand'. The article proposes that paired concepts of 'habitus' and 'field' provide tools that enable an understanding of the relationship between the 'general social field', structured as it is by divisions of social class, sex/gender and 'race'/ethnicity, and the 'habitus' and 'strategies' of actors competing to enter one of the major fields of power, in this case, the field of politics, recognising that these two levels are mediated in their interconnections by the specific form taken by the British political system. The research is based on extended autobiographical interviews with male and female members of the British parliament. The article focuses on class, the 'difference' that has been sidelined in feminist debates on the politics of difference, and also on sex/gender in the form of masculine identity. The article suggests that remedies are needed at each of the three levels of field, system and habitus if parliamentary politics is to be opened up to a wider demographic base, and in so doing, to move towards political justice.

Game theory has revolutionized the study of animal behavior. The fundamental principle of evolutionary game theory--that the strategy adopted by one individual depends on the strategies exhibited by others--has proven a powerful tool in uncovering the forces shaping otherwise mysterious behaviors. In this volume, the first since 1982 devoted to evolutionary game theory, leading researchers describe applications of the theory to diverse types of behavior, providing an overview of recent discoveries and a synthesis of current research. The volume begins with a clear introduction to game theory a

Drawing on the work of the Survey Research Center of the U of Michigan on party identification (A. Campbell, G. Gurin, & W. Mitter, THE VOTER DECIDES, Evanston, Ill: Row, Peterson, 1954, & A. Campbell, P. Converse, W. Miller, & D. Stokes, THE AMERICAN VOTER, New York, NY: Wiley, 1964) & the Likert approach to attitude measurement, a procedure is developed for measuring the concept of social identity among a number of individuals with a single instrument. Results of the Twenty Statements Test research were used to compile a wide-ranging sample of 40 stimulus groups (H. Mulford & W. Salisbury, II, "Self-conceptions in a General Population," in SYMBOLIC INTERACTIONS; A READER IN SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY, J. G. Manis & B. N. Meltzer, Eds, Boston, Mass: Allyn & Bacon, 1967). A sample group of 146 Uc & graduate students at Temple U, Philadelphia were given the questionnaire during a class period. The sexual, racial, & religious make-up of the sample was calculated. Pearson product-moment correlations were measured from the raw data matrix. To extimate the N of meaningful factors present, the Cattell eigen value technique was used. The r matrix was factored & refactored with an iteractive principal axis routine to determine the 7 factors: 'Jewish' identity, 'black M' identity, 'sex' identity, 'respectable member of the community' identity, 'upper status' identity, 'blue-collar Roman Catholic' identity, & 'white race' identity. All proved reliable under Cronbach's alpha test for measurement equivalence, except the 'blue-collar Roman Catholic' identity. Applications of the instrument to the study of policy compliance & group support are suggested. 3 Tables. Modified HA.

IN THIS STUDY A PARTISAN SOCIAL IDENTITY SCALE WAS USED TO REINTERPRET PERCEPTUAL FEATURES OF PARTISANSHIP THROUGH THE LENS OF SOCIAL IDENTITY THEORY. THE SOCIAL IDENTITY OF POLITICAL INDEPENDENTS WAS ALSO EXAMINED IN AN EFFORT TO EXPLAIN THE ANOMALOUS BEHAVIOR AND IDENTITY OF PARTISAN LEANERS. SOCIAL IDENTITY THEORY PROVIDED A VIABLE ALTERNATIVE FRAMEWORK FOR UNDERSTANDING THE COMMON POLARITY OF PERCEPTIONS REGARDING THE TWO MAJOR U.S. POLITICAL PARTIES. IN ADDITION, AN INDEPENDENT SOCIAL IDENTIFICATION MAY, IN PART, EXPLAIN THE IDENTITY OF PARTISAN LEANERS.

Social identity theory holds that individuals derive their self‐concept from knowledge of their membership in a group (or groups) and that they place value and emotional significance on that group membership, with resulting perceptual and attitudinal biases. Individuals favor the in‐group to which they belong which they define against a relevant out‐group. In this study, a partisan social identity scale was used to reinterpret perceptual features of partisanship through the lens of social identity theory. The social identity of political independents was also examined in an effort to explain the anomalous behavior and identity of partisan leaners. Social identity theory provided a viable alternative framework for understanding the common bipolarity of perceptions regarding the two major U.S. political parties. In addition, an independent social identification may, in part, explain the identity of partisan leaners.

Attempts to articulate the ways in which membership in socially subordinated social identities can impede one's autonomy have largely unfolded as part of the debate between different types of internalist theories in relation to the problem of internalized oppression. The different internalist positions, however, employ a damage model for understanding the role of social subordination in limiting autonomy. I argue that we need an externalist condition in order to capture the ways in which membership in a socially subordinated identity can constrain one's autonomy, even if one is undamaged in one's autonomy competencies and self‐reflexive attitudes. I argue that living among those practically empowered to harass, to engage in racial profiling, and to treat as expendable is incompatible with a freedom‐condition required for unconstrained global self‐determination.

Describes the ongoing research project, "Population Displacements: State Building & Social Identity in the Lands of the Former Russian Empire, 1918-1930," aimed at developing a new empirical & conceptual account of the interaction between population displacement/resettlement, processes of war/peace, imperial collapse, new state building, & the dissolution/reformation of social identities in Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, Soviet Russia, Ukraine, & Belorussia during the postwar decade. A multidisciplinary, multination team of researches have focused on locating archival sources & developing a theoretical framework for identifying key problems relevant to the project goals. Project-related events/conferences that have been held to date are listed & themes of research papers presented at a Dec 2001 workshop are described. It is noted that refugees are not treated as passive objects of policy but as participants in nationalist & state-building projects who are capable of negotiating their status in the new collective. Other matters discussed include the need to treat displaced populations as spatial processes; theoretical approaches used, insights gained, & future directions of the project. 29 References. J. Lindroth

The context of leadership has changed. Traditionally, leaders worked in organizations in which people largely shared a common culture and set of values. Today, leaders must bring together groups of people with very different histories, perspectives, values, and cultures. The people you lead are likely to be different from you and from each other in significant ways. Leaders today need an awareness of social identity, their own and that of others

Much research in political science suggests that social identity can be an important factor in motivating behavior. If voters care about social identity, when will politicians find it in their interests to make group-based appeals? Do social identity concerns affect the policy platforms offered by candidates? In a model of political speech and electoral competition, in which voters care about both social identities and policy, we demonstrate that social identity concerns can lead to platform divergence even when the policy dimension is uncorrelated with identity. For example, policy-motivated politicians can employ identity rhetoric to obtain 'slack' in the policy dimension. Further, the need for candidates to resort to group-based appeals depends on such factors as the relative sizes of social groups; the policy preferences of group members; whether candidates care about policy and if so, their preferred policies; and the extent of individual identification with groups. The analysis demonstrates that social identity can have a striking impact on the strategic conduct of campaigns.