Suchergebnisse

International audience ; In this paper, we assess the beliefs of aspiring top civil servants towards the private sector. We use a survey conducted in a French university known for training most of the future high-ranking civil servants and politicians, as well as students who will work in the private sector. Our results show that students aspiring to work in the public sector are more likely to distrust the private sector, to believe that conducting business is easy, and are less likely to see the benefits of public-private partnerships. They are also more likely to believe that private sector workers are self-interested. These results have strong implications for the level of regulation in France, and the cooperation between the public and private sector. ; Ce travail étudie les croyances envers le secteur privé des étudiants souhaitant intégrer la haute fonction publique en France. Pour ce faire, nous analysons les données d'un sondage réalisé à Sciences Po, grand établissement français connu pour former une grande partie des hauts fonctionnaires mais aussi des étudiants souhaitant travailler dans le secteur privé. Les résultats indiquent que les étudiants souhaitant travailler dans la fonction publique font preuve d'une plus grande méfiance envers le secteur privé (comparativement aux autres étudiants), pensent davantage que diriger une entreprise est aisé, et perçoivent significativement moins de bénéfices au recours à des partenariats public-privé. Ils déclarent également plus fréquemment que les travailleurs du secteur privé sont motivés par leurs intérêts propres. Ces résultats ont de fortes implications pour comprendre le niveau de la réglementation du secteur privé en France, ainsi que la coopération entre les secteurs public et privé.

International audience ; In this paper, we assess the beliefs of aspiring top civil servants towards the private sector. We use a survey conducted in a French university known for training most of the future high-ranking civil servants and politicians, as well as students who will work in the private sector. Our results show that students aspiring to work in the public sector are more likely to distrust the private sector, to believe that conducting business is easy, and are less likely to see the benefits of public-private partnerships. They are also more likely to believe that private sector workers are self-interested. These results have strong implications for the level of regulation in France, and the cooperation between the public and private sector. ; Ce travail étudie les croyances envers le secteur privé des étudiants souhaitant intégrer la haute fonction publique en France. Pour ce faire, nous analysons les données d'un sondage réalisé à Sciences Po, grand établissement français connu pour former une grande partie des hauts fonctionnaires mais aussi des étudiants souhaitant travailler dans le secteur privé. Les résultats indiquent que les étudiants souhaitant travailler dans la fonction publique font preuve d'une plus grande méfiance envers le secteur privé (comparativement aux autres étudiants), pensent davantage que diriger une entreprise est aisé, et perçoivent significativement moins de bénéfices au recours à des partenariats public-privé. Ils déclarent également plus fréquemment que les travailleurs du secteur privé sont motivés par leurs intérêts propres. Ces résultats ont de fortes implications pour comprendre le niveau de la réglementation du secteur privé en France, ainsi que la coopération entre les secteurs public et privé.

International audience ; In this paper, we assess the beliefs of aspiring top civil servants towards the private sector. We use a survey conducted in a French university known for training most of the future high-ranking civil servants and politicians, as well as students who will work in the private sector. Our results show that students aspiring to work in the public sector are more likely to distrust the private sector, to believe that conducting business is easy, and are less likely to see the benefits of public-private partnerships. They are also more likely to believe that private sector workers are self-interested. These results have strong implications for the level of regulation in France, and the cooperation between the public and private sector. ; Ce travail étudie les croyances envers le secteur privé des étudiants souhaitant intégrer la haute fonction publique en France. Pour ce faire, nous analysons les données d'un sondage réalisé à Sciences Po, grand établissement français connu pour former une grande partie des hauts fonctionnaires mais aussi des étudiants souhaitant travailler dans le secteur privé. Les résultats indiquent que les étudiants souhaitant travailler dans la fonction publique font preuve d'une plus grande méfiance envers le secteur privé (comparativement aux autres étudiants), pensent davantage que diriger une entreprise est aisé, et perçoivent significativement moins de bénéfices au recours à des partenariats public-privé. Ils déclarent également plus fréquemment que les travailleurs du secteur privé sont motivés par leurs intérêts propres. Ces résultats ont de fortes implications pour comprendre le niveau de la réglementation du secteur privé en France, ainsi que la coopération entre les secteurs public et privé.

International audience ; In this paper, we assess the beliefs of aspiring top civil servants towards the private sector. We use a survey conducted in a French university known for training most of the future high-ranking civil servants and politicians, as well as students who will work in the private sector. Our results show that students aspiring to work in the public sector are more likely to distrust the private sector, to believe that conducting business is easy, and are less likely to see the benefits of public-private partnerships. They are also more likely to believe that private sector workers are self-interested. These results have strong implications for the level of regulation in France, and the cooperation between the public and private sector. ; Ce travail étudie les croyances envers le secteur privé des étudiants souhaitant intégrer la haute fonction publique en France. Pour ce faire, nous analysons les données d'un sondage réalisé à Sciences Po, grand établissement français connu pour former une grande partie des hauts fonctionnaires mais aussi des étudiants souhaitant travailler dans le secteur privé. Les résultats indiquent que les étudiants souhaitant travailler dans la fonction publique font preuve d'une plus grande méfiance envers le secteur privé (comparativement aux autres étudiants), pensent davantage que diriger une entreprise est aisé, et perçoivent significativement moins de bénéfices au recours à des partenariats public-privé. Ils déclarent également plus fréquemment que les travailleurs du secteur privé sont motivés par leurs intérêts propres. Ces résultats ont de fortes implications pour comprendre le niveau de la réglementation du secteur privé en France, ainsi que la coopération entre les secteurs public et privé.

Income inequality in China is severe; measured by the Gini-coefficient it amounted to 0.46 in 2011; wealth distribution is even worse with 0.61. These disparities led to a major shift in emphasis of politics in general and of the Five-Year Plan for National Economic and Social Development by the National People's Congress in particular. While previously the strategy of the Five-Year Plans had been "Making the nation [our emphasis] rich as top priority", this was changed to "Making people [our emphasis] rich as top priority" in the 12th Five-Year Plan (2011-2015), enacted in March 2011.The strategic change from "nation" to "people" indicates that the political decision-makers in China accepted the aim of a fair income distribution as a political issue of great importance. In this paper, richness is defined in the political-philosophical tradition as the right measure for one's own needs and wants; only its environmental aspect is focused on in this study. The development of the Chinese environmental conditions is compared with the German ones and the former's future outlook is judged optimistically because of the achievements in the last five years. However, the complexity and fragility of the environmental system will within a decade confront Chinese politicians with the same problems as it does right now in Germany. In order to provide a solution addressing this development, this paper analyzes what Karl Marx had to say on the long-run dynamics of the economic system. He saw poverty as a necessary yet unintended consequence of the capitalistic system and used this insight as a "precision tool for the study of social change" (Elster 1986), which can also be employed to examine the unintended repercussions of economic activity on nature. Marx, who studied environmental and resource issues in detail, thought that the inventiveness of the capitalistic system would finally overcome all of them in the course of time. In view of the fact that three billion people on earth still have a backlog demand to satisfy basic needs and in addition a further three billion are expected to be born until 2050, the future of the natural environmental conditions looks somber. If it is not possible to decouple economic growth from ensuing environmental strain, Marx may well be right after all in his prediction that the capitalistic system will collapse, although in quite a different manner than he thought. This being the case we take recourse to the thoughts of one of the influential intellectual German figures, to Romano Guardini. He foresaw changes in the self-perception of humankind and in the comprehension of nature. These imply a shift in the ethos of government as well, which would in turn pose three great challenges to politics: (i) understanding nature in a new light, (ii) listening to what drives human hearts, and (iii) governing according to law.

Income inequality in China is severe; measured by the Gini-coefficient it amounted to 0.46 in 2011; wealth distribution is even worse with 0.61. These disparities led to a major shift in emphasis of politics in general and of the Five-Year Plan for National Economic and Social Development by the National People's Congress in particular. While previously the strategy of the Five-Year Plans had been "Making the nation [our emphasis] rich as top priority", this was changed to "Making people [our emphasis] rich as top priority" in the 12th Five-Year Plan (2011-2015), enacted in March 2011.The strategic change from "nation" to "people" indicates that the political decision-makers in China accepted the aim of a fair income distribution as a political issue of great importance. In this paper, richness is defined in the political-philosophical tradition as the right measure for one's own needs and wants; only its environmental aspect is focused on in this study. The development of the Chinese environmental conditions is compared with the German ones and the former's future outlook is judged optimistically because of the achievements in the last five years. However, the complexity and fragility of the environmental system will within a decade confront Chinese politicians with the same problems as it does right now in Germany. In order to provide a solution addressing this development, this paper analyzes what Karl Marx had to say on the long-run dynamics of the economic system. He saw poverty as a necessary yet unintended consequence of the capitalistic system and used this insight as a "precision tool for the study of social change" (Elster 1986), which can also be employed to examine the unintended repercussions of economic activity on nature. Marx, who studied environmental and resource issues in detail, thought that the inventiveness of the capitalistic system would finally overcome all of them in the course of time. In view of the fact that three billion people on earth still have a backlog demand to satisfy basic needs and in addition a further three billion are expected to be born until 2050, the future of the natural environmental conditions looks somber. If it is not possible to decouple economic growth from ensuing environmental strain, Marx may well be right after all in his prediction that the capitalistic system will collapse, although in quite a different manner than he thought. This being the case we take recourse to the thoughts of one of the influential intellectual German figures, to Romano Guardini. He foresaw changes in the self-perception of humankind and in the comprehension of nature. These imply a shift in the ethos of government as well, which would in turn pose three great challenges to politics: (i) understanding nature in a new light, (ii) listening to what drives human hearts, and (iii) governing according to law.

Income inequality in China is severe; measured by the Gini-coefficient it amounted to 0.46 in 2011; wealth distribution is even worse with 0.61. These disparities led to a major shift in emphasis of politics in general and of the Five-Year Plan for National Economic and Social Development by the National People´s Congress in particular. While previously the strategy of the Five-Year Plans had been "Making the nation [our emphasis] rich as top priority", this was changed to "Making people [our emphasis] rich as top priority" in the 12th Five-Year Plan (2011-2015), enacted in March 2011.The strategic change from "nation" to "people" indicates that the political decision-makers in China accepted the aim of a fair income distribution as a political issue of great importance. In this paper, richness is defined in the political-philosophical tradition as the right measure for one's own needs and wants; only its environmental aspect is focused on in this study. The development of the Chinese environmental conditions is compared with the German ones and the former's future outlook is judged optimistically because of the achievements in the last five years. However, the complexity and fragility of the environmental system will within a decade confront Chinese politicians with the same problems as it does right now in Germany. In order to provide a solution addressing this development, this paper analyzes what Karl Marx had to say on the long-run dynamics of the economic system. He saw poverty as a necessary yet unintended consequence of the capitalistic system and used this insight as a "precision tool for the study of social change" (Elster 1986), which can also be employed to examine the unintended repercussions of economic activity on nature. Marx, who studied environmental and resource issues in detail, thought that the inventiveness of the capitalistic system would finally overcome all of them in the course of time. In view of the fact that three billion people on earth still have a backlog demand to satisfy basic needs and in addition a further three billion are expected to be born until 2050, the future of the natural environmental conditions looks somber. If it is not possible to decouple economic growth from ensuing environmental strain, Marx may well be right after all in his prediction that the capitalistic system will collapse, although in quite a different manner than he thought. This being the case we take recourse to the thoughts of one of the influential intellectual German figures, to Romano Guardini. He foresaw changes in the self-perception of humankind and in the comprehension of nature. These imply a shift in the ethos of government as well, which would in turn pose three great challenges to politics: (i) understanding nature in a new light, (ii) listening to what drives human hearts, and (iii) governing according to law.

Donors increasingly fund interventions to counteract inequality in developing countries, where they fear it can foment instability and undermine nation-building efforts. To succeed, aid relies on the principle of upward accountability to donors. But federalism shifts the accountability of subnational officials downward to regional and local voters. What happens when aid agencies fund anti-inequality programs in federal countries? Does federalism undermine aid? Does aid undermine federalism? Or can the political and fiscal relations that define a federal system resolve the contradiction internally? This study explores this paradox via the Promotion of Basic Services program in Ethiopia, the largest donor-financed investment program in the world. Using an original panel database comprising the universe of Ethiopian woredas (districts), the study finds that horizontal (geographic) inequality decreased substantially. Donor-financed block grants to woredas increased the availability of primary education and health care services in the bottom 20 percent of woredas. Weaker evidence from household surveys suggests that vertical inequality across wealth groups (within woredas) also declined, implying that individuals from the poorest households benefit disproportionately from increasing access to and utilization of such services. The evidence suggests that by combining strong upward accountability over public investment with extensive citizen engagement on local issues, Ethiopia's federal system resolves the instrumental dissonance posed by aid-funded programs to combat inequality in a federation.

Where Are All Our Sheep?: Kyrgyzstan, A Global Political Arena is a result of ten years multi-sited fieldwork in Kyrgyzstan (2001 - 2010), namely in the Naryn region in the north, its capital Naryn and Bishkek, the country's capital. From the observation of the summer lifestyle of livestock herding up to the top politicians of the country and foreign election observers, Petric explores the social change in the country and its actors by adopting a holistic approach. Opening to the world after the independence for Kyrgyzstan in 1991 meant introducing the market economy and democracy which led to an important movement of people and ideas.

After being for a long time in the shadow of its Tanzanian counterpart, Kenyan fiction has recently come into the foreground with writers such as Kyallo Wadi Wamitila, Rocha Chi-merah, Mwenda Mbatiah and Ken Walibora. The paper deals with his second novel Kufa kuzikana. Although Kufa Kuzikana is a powerful accusation of how ruthless ethnic feelings still inform many people from the intellectuals and top politicians to the uneducated villagers, the novel does contain a positive message as well in that it shows how true friendship can overcome ethnic and other differences and survive even in the most adverse circumstances.

The activities within and around the Volksunie get much media attention compared with other parties. The top politicians of the Volksunie such as former president Schiltz have more influence than their colleagues.It was Schiltz that niade his party enter the government. His opinion was that every political party must try to achieve that goal.It is not so sure that the traditional Belgian political families are willing to accept new partners. Apart from that it is possible that the Belgian, electorate wants some parties to remain in the opposition.As far as the Volksunie is concerned the policy of Mr. Schiltz has been rejected by the electorate.

AbstractBased on an understanding of politicization as an increase in the relevance of political criteria in the selection and deselection of civil servants, this article proposes an innovative approach to measure civil service politicization with individual‐level career data. For this purpose, two core types of political experience in civil servants' careers are distinguished: frontstage political experience as elected politician and backstage political experience in non‐elected offices close to politics. For each core type, two subtypes are defined. The empirical measurement of the four different types of political experience is illustrated by the analysis of an original dataset of more than 2100 top civil service appointments in Germany in the time period 1949–2017. Findings reveal a significant increase in backstage political experience. The approach developed for this article can be applied to explore various facets of politicization not only in longitudinal perspective but also in comparative studies.