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Discusses the problems of education, politics and culture in the Peru current, stressing issues such as reforms of education, multiculturalism, and intercultural intraculturality, ethnicity and indigenous rights and democracy and contemporary politics in our country ; Trata sobre la problemática de la educación, política y cultura en el Perú actual; incidiendo en temas como las reformas de la educación, la pluriculturalidad, intraculturalidad e interculturalidad, las etnias y los derechos indígenas así como la democracia y política contemporánea en nuestro país.

This book advances debates over the relationship between care and economy through the concept of intimate labor--care, domestic, and sex work--and thus charts relations of race, class, gender, sexuality, and citizenship in the context of global economic transformations.

Introduction: Explanations and origins -- Election and depression, 1979-81 -- Thatcher triumphant, 1982-88 -- Thatcherism and the conservative party -- The attack on the government ethic -- The attack on the professional ethic -- Thatcher abroad I: Europe, East and West -- Thatcher abroad II: Defence and the Americas -- Thatcher abroad III: Decolonization and Eastern Europe -- The fall -- The Thatcher legacy I: The major years 1990-97 -- The Thatcher legacy II: The new labour experiment -- Interpretations

Based on his report entitled, Government and economic life.

[4], 16 p. ; 24 cm. (4to) ; Half-title: The importance of the colonies of North America, and the interest of Great Britain with regard to them, considered. [Price one shilling] ; Attributed to William Bollan in Appleton's cyclopaedia of Amer. biog.

Introduction: the many-voiced monster : collective determination and the emergence of trans / Ruth Pearce, Kat Gupta and Igi Moon -- Trans genealogies -- In the shadow of eugenics : transgender sterilization legislation and the struggle for self-determination / Julian Honkasalo -- Reconceiving the body : a surgical genealogy of trans-therapeutics / Eric Plemons -- Becoming: discourses of trans emergence, epiphanies and oppositions / Natacha Kennedy -- The seam of skin and scales / Elena Rose -- Trans as everyday culture -- Creating a trans space / Kat Gupta -- Diy identities in a diy scene : trans music events in the UK / Kirsty Lohman and Ruth Pearce -- On being a "wife" : CIS women negotiating relationships with a trans partner / Clare Beckett-Wrighton -- Sticks and stones break our bones, and words are damaging : how language erases non-binary people / Stef M. Shuster and Ellen Lamont -- Trans in popular representation -- Response and responsibility : mainstream media and Lucy Meadows in a post-Leveson context / Kat Gupta -- "Girl brain-boy body" : representations of trans characters in children's picture books / Clare Bartholomaeus and Damien W. Riggs -- Trans epistemologies -- Make yourself / Rami Yasir -- Co-producing trans ethical research / Rhi Humphrey, Bròna Nic Giolla Easpaid and Rachael Fox -- Nonnormative ethics : the ensouled formation of trans / Mijke van der Drift -- A genealogy of genealogies : retheorising gender and sexuality : the emergence of "trans" (ESRC seminar series 2012-2014) / Igi Moon -- Index.

In the current international system, the use of centralized, hard enforcement mechanisms is often deemed either politically impossible or too costly. As a consequence, many international organizations (IOs) rely on so-called naming and shaming strategies as tools of political influence. Naming and shaming is the public exposure and condemnation of states that violate international rules and norms. It is not designed to simply renegade violators, but to produce compliance through reputational and status concerns. But how does naming and shaming work and what impact does it have on state behavior? In this dissertation, I adopt a comprehensive approach to the study of naming and shaming by examining its underlying politics and determinants as well as its impact on state behavior. In search for answers, I focus on the naming and shaming strategies employed in the International Labour Organization (ILO) during the period 1989-2011. Drawing on the theories of international politics, I develop a set of hypotheses that are tested by means of statistical as well as process tracing techniques. The overall conclusions of the dissertation are fourfold. First, the results indicate that ILO naming and shaming is used to punish violators of international labor standards. This implies that IOs, under the right conditions, can thwart the politicization of naming and shaming that has been observed in other IOs. Second, I find support for my argument that the decision to engage in naming and shaming primarily is determined by the democratic character of states. This enhances our understanding of when states participate in pressuring targets and the patterns of inter-state shaming. Third, the dissertation finds that ILO naming and shaming can improve international labor standards. The impact of ILO naming and shaming is stronger when target states are democratic and resourceful. This implies that IOs can overcome international collective problems without hard enforcement mechanisms and that IO naming and shaming, under certain propitious conditions, can produce compliance. Fourth, while democracies are more likely to respond to international criticism, not all democracies do. This dissertation demonstrates that ILO naming and shaming is a powerful tool among democracies that have strong and united labor unions. This implies that IO naming and shaming of democratic states is likely to work through domestic pressure mechanisms. ; At the time of the doctoral defense, the following papers were unpublished and had a status as follows: Paper 2: Submitted. Paper 3: Submitted. Paper 4: Manuscript.

"October 1997." ; "A joint project by the Chief Information Officers Council and the Industry Advisory Council"--Cover. ; Shipping list no.: 98-0017-P. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Digital technologies have fundamentally altered how journalists communicate with their sources, enabling them to exchange information through social media as well as video, audio, and text chat. Simultaneously, journalists are increasingly concerned with corporate and government surveillance as a threat to their ability to speak with sources in confidence and to conduct basic reporting. In response, some U.S. journalists are learning information security techniques as well as nontechnical approaches to source protection and slowing surveillance. I conducted thirty interviews with journalists and press advocates to learn about their information security practices and their perceptions of the impediments that government and corporate surveillance impose on their ability to complete their work. I found that most of the time, journalists had routine sources who did not require strict confidentiality. However, journalists expressed deep concerns regarding the confidentiality of their sources when working on sensitive stories and when their sources place themselves at risk. While I found the journalists shared widespread concerns about surveillance, they also had diverse and inconsistent approaches to their digital security. When conducting sensitive work, some journalists shared experiences about speaking with their sources over encrypted channels, avoiding cell phones, or avoiding commercial phone and Web services that could be subpoenaed for their user data. To minimize their electronic records and for the sake of convenience, many of the journalists have been meeting sensitive sources in person whenever possible. However, unless absolutely necessary, many journalists preferred to speak with sources through the most convenient communication channels—for example, text messages and phone calls—even when they were concerned about issues of confidentiality. Even in stereotypically sensitive reporting (e.g., national security), the journalists would often forgo comprehensive security measures to speak with their sources. I argue that the security approaches often compete with journalists' other interests, such as communicating with sources and working with colleagues to publish within strict timelines.

We think of social movements as forces for change, which frequently passes through policy and institutional reform. Yet just how they affect change all is frequently not addressed. This paper tackles the question in the context of the Chilean environmental movement's effects on environmental governance and energy policy reforms. Building on work in political sociology it argues that Chilean environmental movement organizations had direct, indirect, and mediated effects on different phases of the policy process. It argues further that a political economy approach to environmental policymaking explains the politics by which they had such effects. Resumen: Mega-proyectos, política contenciosa y cambio político e institucional: Chile, 1994-2017Pensamos en los movimientos sociales como fuerzas para el cambio, que con frecuencia pasan por reformas políticas e institucionales. Sin embargo, a menudo no se aborda cómo afectan al cambio. Este documento aborda la cuestión en el contexto de los efectos del movimiento ambiental chileno en la gobernanza ambiental y las reformas de la política energética. Sobre la base del trabajo en sociología política, argumenta que las organizaciones chilenas del movimiento ecologista tuvieron efectos directos, indirectos y mediados en diferentes fases del proceso político. Argumenta además que un enfoque de economía política en la formulación de políticas ambientales explica la política por la cual tuvieron tales efectos. Palabras clave: movimientos sociales, mega-proyectos, política contenciosa, cambio político, Chile.