Suchergebnisse

On the basis of a case study of informal residents' claims over land, housing and basic amenities in Windhoek, Namibia, this chapter seeks to contribute to debates on the broad sociopolitical implications of claim-making dynamics between residents and public authorities. In contrast with antagonistic readings of such situations that focus on resistance, autonomy and rights, the chapter finds that both residents' strategies and policies outline incremental paths of betterment and intersect in multiple ways. It ponders whether and how such incrementality produces institutionalised forms of relations between citizens and authorities, and calls attention to the principle of mutual dependencies as a key aspect in them. ; On the basis of a case study of informal residents' claims over land, housing and basic amenities in Windhoek, Namibia, this chapter seeks to contribute to debates on the broad sociopolitical implications of claim-making dynamics between residents and public authorities. In contrast with antagonistic readings of such situations that focus on resistance, autonomy and rights, the chapter finds that both residents' strategies and policies outline incremental paths of betterment and intersect in multiple ways. It ponders whether and how such incrementality produces institutionalised forms of relations between citizens and authorities, and calls attention to the principle of mutual dependencies as a key aspect in them. ; Peer reviewed

This paper examines the city Council's development of community educa tion, youth and community work in the main area of black settlement in Leeds (Harehills and Chapeltown). It argues that the particular problem of racism in a context of economic decline has resulted in a high degree of political activity, ranging, from reformism to uprising, by the black popula tions and their white supporters in this area. The council 's policy is seen as a pragmatic resonse to these political mobilisations. The specific strategy of appointing local black people to undertake youth and community work is examined in some detail. It is argued that the emergence of organic youth workers carries with it several problems, as youth workers are encouraged to become the council's community representatives, while at the same time contributing to a new layer of radical political organisation in the inner city. Recent practical examples of these countervailing tendencies are discussed.

In my Master thesis I focus on research of the nexus of politics and the economy on the example of Russian-German Relations. The object of study is economic and political relations between Russia and Germany. Economic cooperation between two countries is rather intensive and it has developed well during the last decade. It promotes to the intensification and improvement of cooperation on other fields, such as political, cultural, and leads to the strengthening of good-neighbor relations. Trade-economic cooperation between our countries has been beneficial for both, indeed. This increases openness in relationship and contributes to the equal partnership between Russia and Germany. In this research project I concentrated on the analysis of the trade-economic relations and the key aspects of this field of cooperation between Russia and Germany. In addition, I aim at examining ofarchitecture anddynamics of Russian-German political relationswithin the contemporary globalization process. As a theoretical ground for the research project I chose the transnational theory of international relations as it reflects the character of modern economic relations between Russia and Germany. Furthermore, the theory of transnationalism demonstrates how trade-economic cooperation is implemented and how it affects the political relations between countries. It is important to consider transnationalism in the context of globalization because these two concepts are interconnected. Firstly, the aim is to consider different approaches to the definition of transnational theory and to analyze the research of the well-known theorists who dealt with the study of this concept. Secondly, I will seek to clarify the most widespread transnational processes encountered in international practice. And lastly, I will evaluate the notion of "transnationalism" from different perspectives, predominantly focusing on the economic point of view. The results of the research have shown that relations between Russia and Germany are strategic and mutually beneficial. Keywords:neoliberalism, transnationalism, neorealism, globalization, economic globalization, international regimes, Russian-German relations

'As unions in most other industrialized democracies continue to decline, unions in Spain have been able to regain and maintain strength despite unfavorable institutional, political, and economic conditions. The Politics of Industrial Relations provides a comprehensive analysis of Spanish unions from the Franco dictatorship until the present. It builds on industrial relations, comparative politics, and political economy literature to investigate the trajectory of Spanish unions. The book analyzes unions as political actors, that is, their interaction and involvement with governments, political parties, and nationwide policy-making processes to explain why Spanish unions appear in some ways as atypical in West European comparison. The development of Spanish unions and industrial relations is framed in a historical-institutionalist approach while also taking into account globalization and Europeanization processes. Using the case of the Spanish transition to democracy, the book demonstrates that the historical sequencing of institutional reforms in the political and industrial relations arenas holds significant and long-lasting consequences for the nature of unions and labor relations. The book concludes that by understanding unions as political actors, the history of Spanish unionism and industrial relations institutions is more easily accommodated than looking at unions as industrial actors alone. Comprehensive in its theoretical scope and empirical depth, The Politics of Industrial Relations presents Spain as an anomaly, and thus as a test case, for a multitude of theories developed in the political economy and industrial relations literatures.' (publisher).

"Since 1959, the Cuban revolutionary government has proudly proclaimed that "the revolution is for the children." Many Cuban Americans reject this claim, asserting that they chose exile in the United States to protect their children from the evils of "Castro-communism." Anita Casavantes Bradford's analysis of the pivotal years between the Revolution's triumph and the 1962 Missile Crisis uncovers how and when children were first pressed into political service by ideologically opposed Cuban communities on both sides of the Florida Straits. Casavantes Bradford argues that, in Havana, the Castro government deployed a morally charged "politics of childhood" to steer a nationalist and reformist revolution toward socialism. At the same time, Miami exile leaders put children at the heart of efforts to mobilize opposition to Castro's regime and to link the well-being of Cuban refugees to U.S. Cold War foreign policy objectives. Casavantes Bradford concludes that the 1999 Elian Gonzalez custody battle was the most notorious recent manifestation of the ongoing struggle to define and control Cuban childhood, revealing the persistent centrality of children to Cuban politics and national identity."--

Focusing on five Los Angeles environmental policy debates between 1920 and 1950, Sarah Elkind investigates how practices in American municipal government gave business groups political legitimacy at the local level as well as unanticipated influence over.

The book presents debates around the concept of representation and how these ideas apply to representation for selected disadvantaged groups in India. It discusses empirical concerns and examines political representation of these disadvantaged groups in post-independence India. The experience of political representation of SCs, STs: the method of election, role of political parties in providing representation, role played by these groups in parliamentary institutions, and the extent of their participation. A second, significant area the volume attempts to cover is representation of the Muslim minority in parliament and state assemblies and understanding the reasons for their under-representation since independence, and more particularly in recent years. Dr Sudha Pai retired as Professor from the Centre for Political Studies and as Rector (Pro-Vice Chancellor) of the Jawaharlal Nehru University in January 2016. She was Senior Fellow at the Nehru Memorial Museum and Library, New Delhi from 2006 to 2009 and National Fellow of the ICSSR from 2015-2017. Dr Pai was awarded the 2019 Exemplar Award for Outstanding Academic Achievement by the South Asian Studies Association, USA at the South Asian Studies Association Conference at Claremont College Mckenna, Los Angeles, in 2019. Dr Sukhadeo Thorat is Chairman, Indian Council of Social Science Research (ICSSR); former Chairman of University Grants Commission (UGC); and Professor of Economics, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi. He has a BA (Milind College of Arts, Aurangabad, Maharashtra), MA in Economics (Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar Marathwada University, Aurangabad), MPhil/PhD in Economics (Jawaharlal Nehru University) and Diploma in Economic Planning (Main School of Planning, Warsaw, Poland). His research areas include agricultural development, rural poverty, institution and economic growth, problems of marginalised groups, economics of caste system, caste discrimination and poverty. He was the Director of the Indian Institute of Dalit Studies, New Delhi from 2003 to 2006 and the Research Associate of International Food Policy Research Institute, Washington DC, USA, since 1992. In 2008 he was awarded the Padmashree in the field of literature and education.

This paper is an attempt to understand one case of 'ethnic' conflict in India—Assam. By looking closely at this one case I hope we will understand better the phenomenon of India's persistent dilemma of micro-nationalist politics that from time to time seems to be fundamentally at odds with India's macro-nationalist project. To be sure, despite the seriousness of some of these conflicts—say Punjab and Kashmir at present, or Assam until recently—the incidence of micro-nationalist dissent should be kept in perspective. The Indian state can claim quite a bit of success in its project of 'nation building'-it has been able to incorporate micro-nationalist dissent of a number of peoples by using persuasive and coercive means at its disposal. Moreover, cven conflicts that appear stubborn at one time turn out to be surprisingly amenable to negotiated settlement. Irrespective of the Indian state's ability to manage micro-nationalist dissent, the assumption that nationalisms have a telos that inevitably leads to a demand for separation relies on a rather sloppy and lazy naturalist theory of the nature and origins of nations and nation states. What the Indian experience forces us to confront is the fate of nationalism and the nation state as they spread worldwide as a modal form. In the Indian subcontinent these new forms that privilege 'formal boundedness over substantive interelationships," come face to face with a civilisation that represents a particularly complex way of ordering diversity.2 In a subcontinent where the historical legacy of state formation is marked by an intermittent tension between the imperial state and regional kingdoms, nationalisms and the nation state may have proved to be rather unfortunate modern transplants.3