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Social capital is a result of social movement and vice versa. Social movement's theories such as the mobilization of resource model tries to explain the anatomy of collective action in the context of liberal political system in the West. These theories can be used to dechiper collective action in general but may be not enough to explain rural social action in Indonesia which under transitional democracy political regime. In present rural Indonesia, social movement participated by "weak" groups of peasants break out most frequently. These peasents movements are against local governments or enterprises who distupt citizens' rights. The civic protest against semen enterprise in Maitan Village in Pati District is the case in point. The social networks created thecollective action. However, the horizontal networks among protesters themselves cannot be succesful without the help of vertical network such as support that they may have received from high-ranking officials in the local government bureaucracy.

From the 1860s to the 1880s, Vienna was the hotbed of organising for a permanent labour movement in the Habsburg lands. During this period, Vienna proved to be a social and political laboratory in which very different forms of workers' protests and organisations were tested. Moreover, there was no clear trend towards unification or homogenisation; rather what appeared were breaks and reversals. The aim of this chapter is to map the colourful variety of labour movements in this brief period and embed them in the equally colourful structures of the Viennese working classes. Numerically dominant were workers and journeymen engaged in small-scale production still dominated by traditional artisanal working and living conditions, such as living in the master's household, being unmarried, and moving frequently between workplaces and cities. The opposite and much smaller pole was formed by mechanical engineers, who were qualified and well-paid married men in stable occupations. I argue that the latter small group of workers shaped the Viennese labour movement in its early years. The economic crisis of 1873 and the years that followed, however, significantly weakened their social and political position and created space for the revival of forms of protest and organisation rooted in artisanal traditions. The "Blue Monday", as the Saint Monday was called in German, symbolises this tradition.

Social indicators research developed in the United States at the end of the 1960s and the principal ideas and approaches were received by West German social scientists soon thereafter. It became common usage to speak of a social indicators movement, an expression which is rather unusual in regard to a scientific approach.

Introduces contributions to this journal issue that seek a better understanding of the relationship between protest & violence & the possible conditions underlying the transition from protest to violence. Topics in protest research, including the political & cultural meaning of protest & concepts of violence, are discussed. The concepts underlying the structural strains, collective identity, framing, resource mobilization, & political opportunity structures paradigms of social movement research are outlined. The application of these paradigms to the relationship between protest & violence in each article is summarized. It is concluded that a general sociology of protest & violence is still a possibility. 39 References. T. Arnold

Describes the theme of a Nov 1994 conference on Social Movements & Collective Identity: the influence of the dissolution of traditional group membership (eg, family, village, occupational class) in modern society on contemporary social movements. Specific topics include: political culture in a pluralistic society, the sociopsychological relationship between individuals & groups, identity concepts in the environmental movement, collective identity formation in social milieus, & the articulation of collective identity. E. Blackwell

Growing protests in non-democratic countries are often seen as signals of regime decline. China, however, has remained stable amid surging protests. Playing by the Informal Rules highlights the importance of informal norms in structuring state-protester interactions, mitigating conflict, and explaining regime resilience. Drawing on a nationwide dataset of protest and multi-sited ethnographic research, this book presents a bird's-eye view of Chinese contentious politics and illustrates the uneven application of informal norms across regions, social groups, and time. Through examinations of protests and their distinct implications for regime stability, Li offers a novel theoretical framework suitable for monitoring the trajectory of political contention in China and beyond. Overall, this study sheds new light on political mobilization and authoritarian resilience and provides fresh perspectives on power, rules, legitimacy, and resistance in modern societies.

A partir de los resultados obtenidos en cuestionarios y entrevistas en profundidad llevadas a cabo con periodistas árabes, este artículo indaga en los medios de comunicación creados por inmigrantes marroquíes en España, analizando la diversidad de actores sociales e intereses políticos, económicos y culturales que los atraviesan, y prestando una atención especial a dos dimensiones hasta ahora no exploradas: su dimensión histórica y el papel de las políticas públicas. Los resultados obtenidos ponen de relieve el papel crucial del Estado español y el marroquí en la continuidad de estos espacios de comunicación minoritarios, y desmontan dos teorías defendidas por la mayoría de estudios publicados sobre "medios de inmigrantes" en España: por una parte, la supuesta novedad de este fenómeno social y, por otra, la práctica inexistencia de iniciativas promovidas concretamente por el colectivo marroquí. ; Since the results obtained in questionnaires and in-depth interviews carried out with Arab journalists, this article enquires the media created by Moroccan immigrants in Spain, by analysing the diversity of social actors and political, economic and cultural interests that go through them, and paying attention to two dimensions non explored before: the historical dimension and the role of public policies. The results highlight the crucial role of the states of Spain and Morocco in the continuity of these minority spaces of communication, and refute two theories defended by most of the studies published about "migrant media" in Spain: on the one hand, the supposed novelty of this social phenomenon and, on the other hand, the almost inexistence of initiatives promoted specifically by Moroccan immigrants.

Objective. The objective of the article is to show that in order to understand the ongoing transnational mobilizations of the European wing of the World March of Women (WMW) between 2000 and 2006 we also need to consider the politics of scale of the transnational social movements' mobilizations. The WMW is a transnational collective action that integrates women from grassroots organizations, labor unions, and leftist political parties in over 150 countries (approximately 6,000 groups) into a process of transnationalization of solidarities.Method. The method is based on the analysis of internal documents of the international and European wings of the movement, interviews with key actors and militants, and direct observations over the years 1998–2005.Results. The results are twofold: we investigate the shift in the politics of scale of the movement, from using the same scale as the political authorities with which they interact to the creation of its own scales of action (first part); we focus on the articulation of different scales of protest, showing how, by constructing networks and coalitions, actions, and demands under the WMW umbrella, grassroots women's groups are becoming empowered and are regaining political power over the definition, dissemination, and resolution of gender issues (second part).Conclusion. The conclusion is that this specific process of empowerment helps to explain why feminist activists pursue transnationalization actions despite all the material, ideological, and relational difficulties that accompany such actions.