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How many maps can you make using a single thematic dataset? One? Ten? A hundred? More…? It turns out there's not really an answer and yet the answer you may have provided will be determined by many different influences. You may be a trained cartographer and, so your immediate reaction will have likely been 'quite a few' but without fixating on a specific number. You may be new to map-making and simply don't know, even, if it's a trick question. Is there a finite number? You may use a particular software product and are guided by the number of options available to you out-of-thebox. Or, perhaps you have a very clear map in mind for a given dataset. So let's expand the question a bit. How many maps can you make of the results of the 2016 United States Presidential election contested by Donald J. Trump and Hillary R. Clinton? Does that make the choice any clearer? Well that's the task of this presentation. And the answer, while not being infinite, is that there are likely as many choices you can make in selecting a map type and then designing it as you can imagine. And that's the job of a cartographer whose specialist expertise is to assess a dataset and then deliberate over how to map it to convey some aspect of its character to an audience. And all of those decisions are mediated by various contexts. Who is the map for? (general audience or partisan readership?) What type of medium will be used (digital or print? for a cellphone or a newspaper?). How big should the map be? Will it be constrained in any way by that? And do you want a map that shows incredible detail or an overview? Or is it designed to relay the results empirically or, perhaps be used simply to grab attention? More questions! President Trump used the map in Figure 1 to report on his own victory. During one of his first press conferences, Reuters quotes Trump as saying "Here, you can take that, that's the final map of the numbers. It's pretty good, right? The red is obviously us." Yet Trump's map was roundly criticized (mostly by non-Republicans) as being a fake map. It presented a somewhat biased view of the results with huge swathes of red being used to promote the idea that victory was garnered from far and wide. More red gives the impression. Yet the map focuses very much on the geography of the United States which has a hugely dispersed population with large areas very sparsely populated and many highly populated places being seen relatively smaller on the map. Red naturally dominates this particular view yet it speaks to Trump's truth and is exactly the map to use to deliver his view. Had Clinton won, there would have been a very different looking map built from the same data yet persuading us of how blue victory was. Trump's victory was marginal. Clinton won the popular vote but that's irrelevant because that's not how the result of the American democratic voting system is counted. Quoting former British Prime Minister Harold Wilson: "a week is a long time in politics". The same might be said about electoral cartography. For many, elections provide a fascinating sideshow in seeing how the results are handled cartographically. In framing the presentation, I'll use recent United Kingdom elections to briefly review shifts in cartographic style and the emergence of a fascinating consensus in terms of map type, style and functionality. I'll also explore some of the maps from the 2016 Presidential election that we saw across the media. The geographies of two massively different countries account for some differences in approach but consumer preference also creates different demands in the map reader. Approaches range from the purely functional to beautifully imaginative and innovative artistic representations. I finish by sharing my own attempts to map recent political events, both artistically and to challenge and extend the palette of political thematic cartography. I'll then present some original work that uses the 2016 Presidential election data to provide a way of looking at thematic mapping. The benefit of using a single dataset is that it gives an immediate visual comparison across the many different maps. It gives a baseline for understanding how the maps differ and provides an accessible catalogue of design choices for people to use as a guide to mapping in different, interesting and compelling ways. Throughout, I'll explore many of the small decisions that a cartographer might consider in their choices because each map type brings with it a range of benefits, drawbacks and aspects to consider, and these all play a major role in what your map will end up looking like and how it will be read and interpreted. I provide a catalogue of options showcasing the 2016 Presidential election results (Figure 2). Election data provide an extremely rich source of opportunities to underpin the maps to be made and a great way to demonstrate how cartography plays a critical role in the different truths that can be told. Very few, if any, maps are 'right or wrong' but they all tell shades of a different truth and speak to different agendas. This aspect is critical to understanding how to match your maps to your story. With that in mind, of course, some maps will speak more to a Republican agenda, some more to a Democrat agenda and some would be seen as more neutral. That's inevitable as there are as many ways to make a persuasive, partisan map as there are an objective map. And what of a map's objectivity anyway? Maps are rarely made outside of a system that involves human input and while we might like to think that our maps are objective, our very involvement brings subjectivity to the party. Learning how to control subjective tendencies, manage our personal influences and make clear judgements can help you not only tell a better story through your map, but also limit the potential for your map to be seen as politically charged or partisan. Unless, of course, that is what you set out to do in the first place. Maps, then, are tangible objects that add stature to debates, poll results, and the reporting of results which give them a sense of realism where perhaps one should not be presumed to yet exist. They report some aspect. That's as much as they can ever do. And they can be portrayed in different ways so the map reader has to be aware of the possible biases or uncertainties inherent in any map, not just political ones. Maps also give newspapers, web and broadcast media (as well as political commentators) a way to flex their technological and design muscles in a game of carto-one-up-manship. We often see some fascinating and innovative cartography used in reporting election results. People's fascination with the picture of the results is experienced through the cartographies used and, often, the more dramatic the image, the more attention it gets. Maps are a battleground in their own right and used as a way to lure viewers to their coverage, to support their version of the truth as opposed to a competitor's truth, as much as they are simply a vehicle to report the results. What is truth anyway though? As far as electoral cartography goes, there are many different shades of the truth.

How many maps can you make using a single thematic dataset? One? Ten? A hundred? More…? It turns out there's not really an answer and yet the answer you may have provided will be determined by many different influences. You may be a trained cartographer and, so your immediate reaction will have likely been 'quite a few' but without fixating on a specific number. You may be new to map-making and simply don't know, even, if it's a trick question. Is there a finite number? You may use a particular software product and are guided by the number of options available to you out-of-thebox. Or, perhaps you have a very clear map in mind for a given dataset. So let's expand the question a bit. How many maps can you make of the results of the 2016 United States Presidential election contested by Donald J. Trump and Hillary R. Clinton? Does that make the choice any clearer? Well that's the task of this presentation. And the answer, while not being infinite, is that there are likely as many choices you can make in selecting a map type and then designing it as you can imagine. And that's the job of a cartographer whose specialist expertise is to assess a dataset and then deliberate over how to map it to convey some aspect of its character to an audience. And all of those decisions are mediated by various contexts. Who is the map for? (general audience or partisan readership?) What type of medium will be used (digital or print? for a cellphone or a newspaper?). How big should the map be? Will it be constrained in any way by that? And do you want a map that shows incredible detail or an overview? Or is it designed to relay the results empirically or, perhaps be used simply to grab attention? More questions! President Trump used the map in Figure 1 to report on his own victory. During one of his first press conferences, Reuters quotes Trump as saying "Here, you can take that, that's the final map of the numbers. It's pretty good, right? The red is obviously us." Yet Trump's map was roundly criticized (mostly by non-Republicans) as being a fake map. It presented a somewhat biased view of the results with huge swathes of red being used to promote the idea that victory was garnered from far and wide. More red gives the impression. Yet the map focuses very much on the geography of the United States which has a hugely dispersed population with large areas very sparsely populated and many highly populated places being seen relatively smaller on the map. Red naturally dominates this particular view yet it speaks to Trump's truth and is exactly the map to use to deliver his view. Had Clinton won, there would have been a very different looking map built from the same data yet persuading us of how blue victory was. Trump's victory was marginal. Clinton won the popular vote but that's irrelevant because that's not how the result of the American democratic voting system is counted. Quoting former British Prime Minister Harold Wilson: "a week is a long time in politics". The same might be said about electoral cartography. For many, elections provide a fascinating sideshow in seeing how the results are handled cartographically. In framing the presentation, I'll use recent United Kingdom elections to briefly review shifts in cartographic style and the emergence of a fascinating consensus in terms of map type, style and functionality. I'll also explore some of the maps from the 2016 Presidential election that we saw across the media. The geographies of two massively different countries account for some differences in approach but consumer preference also creates different demands in the map reader. Approaches range from the purely functional to beautifully imaginative and innovative artistic representations. I finish by sharing my own attempts to map recent political events, both artistically and to challenge and extend the palette of political thematic cartography. I'll then present some original work that uses the 2016 Presidential election data to provide a way of looking at thematic mapping. The benefit of using a single dataset is that it gives an immediate visual comparison across the many different maps. It gives a baseline for understanding how the maps differ and provides an accessible catalogue of design choices for people to use as a guide to mapping in different, interesting and compelling ways. Throughout, I'll explore many of the small decisions that a cartographer might consider in their choices because each map type brings with it a range of benefits, drawbacks and aspects to consider, and these all play a major role in what your map will end up looking like and how it will be read and interpreted. I provide a catalogue of options showcasing the 2016 Presidential election results (Figure 2). Election data provide an extremely rich source of opportunities to underpin the maps to be made and a great way to demonstrate how cartography plays a critical role in the different truths that can be told. Very few, if any, maps are 'right or wrong' but they all tell shades of a different truth and speak to different agendas. This aspect is critical to understanding how to match your maps to your story. With that in mind, of course, some maps will speak more to a Republican agenda, some more to a Democrat agenda and some would be seen as more neutral. That's inevitable as there are as many ways to make a persuasive, partisan map as there are an objective map. And what of a map's objectivity anyway? Maps are rarely made outside of a system that involves human input and while we might like to think that our maps are objective, our very involvement brings subjectivity to the party. Learning how to control subjective tendencies, manage our personal influences and make clear judgements can help you not only tell a better story through your map, but also limit the potential for your map to be seen as politically charged or partisan. Unless, of course, that is what you set out to do in the first place. Maps, then, are tangible objects that add stature to debates, poll results, and the reporting of results which give them a sense of realism where perhaps one should not be presumed to yet exist. They report some aspect. That's as much as they can ever do. And they can be portrayed in different ways so the map reader has to be aware of the possible biases or uncertainties inherent in any map, not just political ones. Maps also give newspapers, web and broadcast media (as well as political commentators) a way to flex their technological and design muscles in a game of carto-one-up-manship. We often see some fascinating and innovative cartography used in reporting election results. People's fascination with the picture of the results is experienced through the cartographies used and, often, the more dramatic the image, the more attention it gets. Maps are a battleground in their own right and used as a way to lure viewers to their coverage, to support their version of the truth as opposed to a competitor's truth, as much as they are simply a vehicle to report the results. What is truth anyway though? As far as electoral cartography goes, there are many different shades of the truth.

By and large, we take our universities for granted. Indeed, the oldest have outlived political regimes of all kinds. This stimulating historical and comparative study exemplifies the importance of in-depth experience and engagement with the cultural and structural environments in which some of the world's greatest universities have over centuries incrementally developed and been embedded. This is crucial if we hope to understand the sources of their authority and myriad contributions to scientific knowledge and human flourishing. A neo-institutionalist scholar and multicultural citizen who fruitfully contributes to dialogues exploring core institutions in education and society on both sides of the Atlantic, Heinz-Dieter Meyer is uniquely placed to grapple with the complex processes of institutional learning and design that have made the German and American universities among the globally most productive. He also shows how they have influenced each other via the complex, yet crucial flows of inspired scholars and students carrying key idea(l)s with them for interpretation and application back home. The contributions of key actors, but also the outcomes of choices at critical junctures, such as the failure to establish a national state-funded university in the United States, take center stage in this engaging account of how the leaders of American universities adapted the German model, joining diverse concepts to design what has become the greatest uni-versity system in the world, yet one that remains nearly impossible to emulate due to the unique constellation of actors and institutional environment in which it developed. In eighteen chapters in four parts, The Design of the University: German, American, and "World Class" takes us from Göttingen and Berlin to Boston and to the world level as the scientific enterprise—and competition between scientists and the most crucial organizational form in which they conduct their experiments and make their arguments, the research university—becomes ever more global. Contributing to and inviting debate, Meyer's main argument is that the American university has suc-ceeded based upon an institutional design—or, perhaps, a non-design—that on multiple levels facil-itates self-government and the identification of a niche within an extraordinarily large and differen-tiated higher education system. This is not a full-fledged historiographic treatment of a subject fa-vored by academics (permanently searching for reputational gains) and policymakers (as they in-creasingly launch research funding programs and evaluation systems to foster competition). Rather than a full-fledged sociology of science, this book creatively sketches the trajectories of German and American university development, emphasizing affinities as well as crucial differences, to ulti-mately argue that in fact "Humboldt's most important ideas flourished in the American atmosphere of unrestricted institutional experimentation and vigorous self-government" (xiii). Interrogating what he calls the "design thinking" of eminent thinkers Adam Smith and Wilhelm von Humboldt, among others, Meyer traces the challenging, complex, and contingent learning processes in the adaptation of the German research university model to the American context, eventually becoming the most differentiated and "world-class" higher education system in the world. Asking about the reasons for the American university's success, especially in comparison to the recent insti-tutional crisis of the German research university, albeit still extraordinarily productive, Meyer argues that this American meritocratic success story has institutional design (of self-government) at its heart. Enjoying the patronage of not one, but three major institutions—state, church, and market—the American university attained true autonomy and global preeminence through unparalleled wealth of patronage and an intricate system of checks and balances. In this line of argument, chart-ing the ascendancy from humble origins of what can hardly be called a system due its extraordinary diversity, Meyer concurs with David Labaree (2017), who's A Perfect Mess [1] is a highly-suitable com-panion piece grounded in the history of American higher education. Contemporary architects of higher education policy globally, driven by the fantasy of "world class" labels, Meyer warns, have completely underestimated the "institutional, social, and political prerequisites that excellence in research and teaching require" (p. 4). Meyer begins his treatise, appropriately, in Göttingen, the site of Georgia Augusta University, where many leaders of American higher education, first and foremost Boston Brahmin George Ticknor, learned by doing, ensconced in a cosmopolitan center of learning and intellectual enlightenment. The blueprint included professionalized scholarship, the unification of research and teaching in seminars and lectures, freedom to choose among academic offerings, a vast library of scientific knowledge, and academic standing based on perpetual production of cutting-edge research judged by peers (p. 19). Instead of Adam Smith's preferred instruments of competition, choice, and tuition-dependence, Wilhelm von Humboldt's "design revolution" proposed "three unities" whose powerful integration could surpass the utilitarian logic prevalent then and now: "teaching and research; scien-tific discovery and moral formation (Bildung); scholarly autonomy and scholarly community" (p. 40). The book's second part, on institutional learning, charts the institutional migration of the blueprint; the contested design options of Gymnasium, college, and graduate school (the latter ultimately the key to global preeminence); the lasting influence of Protestantism (here Meyer follows the arguments of Max Weber, Robert K. Merton, and Joseph Ben-David) and extraordinary educational philanthropy; the battle between those who would centralize, by establishing a national university, and those committed to local control; and finally the contrasting answers to the eternal question of vocational-ism—e.g., how should business be treated, as a sibling to medicine and law or as their distant cousin? The more education-enamored, democratically-inclined patrician elites of the American East Coast were, Meyer argues, radically different institution-builders than German scholars, French state nobility, or even Chinese mandarins: "No other class combined their respect for, and grand vision of, the civilizing role of learning with their economic resources and the realism needed to put their plans into practice" (p. 113). Building on philosophical and historical elaboration, the book's third part on achieving self-government discusses the six American moves leading to institutional innovation. At organizational level, the German chair and institute give way to departments and discipline, the university presi-dent is no longer figurehead but chief executive, and independent boards of trustees, not govern-ment officials, have ultimate authority. The implications for individuals and organizations of these "design shifts" cannot be overstated. Anyone seeking to understand American higher education, with its phenomenal vertical and horizontal differentiation and on-going academic drift ("a snake-like procession" as David Riesman, to whom the book is dedicated, calls it), and its self-organized autonomy—supported by many philanthropists without the limiting control of a few state bureau-crats—will find this analysis illuminating. Embedded in civil society, "vigorous self-government is the historic design contribution of the American university" (p. 209)—and an achievement that must be guarded in an era in which university autonomy is at risk. In concluding, Meyer's American opti-mistic and laudatory tone shifts back to Germanic critique and foreboding, identifying challenges and the contemporary struggles that threaten the unintentional masterpiece of institutional learning and diversity. Such justified hopes and fears must now give way to empirical studies of the extraor-dinary outputs in terms of scientific production and societal capabilities and well-being brought about by the continuous process of university Bildung—in Germany, the United States, and around the world. [1] David Labaree (2017), A Perfect Mess: The Unlikely Ascendancy of American Higher Education. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

El objetivo del presente trabajo de investigación viene constituido por el análisis de las modulaciones del discurso teórico-crítico que sobre el teatro se genera en los años que llevan a España de una dictadura a una democracia. Se halla pues en el centro de su interés la determinación del dibujo de la conversación sobre el teatro que ha tenido lugar en el periodo que va desde 1966 a 1982. El estudio se detiene, en primer lugar, en el establecimiento del horizonte teórico desde el que nace la investigación. Procede, seguidamente, a tantear el diagnóstico de un momento esencial de la cultura española en el que se produce desde la plataforma teatral el surgimiento de la España silenciada. Tras el marco introductorio, dos bloques diferenciados, aunque con evidentes paralelismos, urden el conjunto de la investigación. De una parte, el análisis crítico de los discursos que sobre el teatro se han generado de 1966 a 1982; y de otra, el análisis del desplazamiento de los focos de atención de la crítica teatral. Dentro del trazado de la genealogía de las ideas teatrales, el estudio contempla la esencial dualidad poética-política, inherente a toda manifestación artística y particularmente operativa en el caso teatral. A la ruptura de los realismos y la inauguración de poéticas espectaculares sigue la institucionalización progresiva de ciertos cambios durante la transición política. La insuficiencia de las poéticas realistas para los fines políticos y estéticos del momento pronto precisarán una nueva escritura y una nueva escena. El oxígeno del exterior hace arder la llama. La nueva escritura será la propuesta por los llamados nuevos autores en textos dramáticos y prólogos de clara filiación vanguardista; y la nueva escena, la que improvisan desde el teatro independiente originando poéticas escénicas que hasta el momento no habían tenido cabida en los escenarios españoles. Estos dos lugares constituyen los puntos de inflexión claves en el paso de planteamientos textocentristas a enfoques en los que la dimensión espectacular se hace centro insubordinable al texto. En el ámbito ya de las cuestiones relativas a la política teatral, el estudio constata la anterioridad del cambio teatral respecto al político e indaga en las razones del paradójico silencio del teatro en tiempos de libertad. Otro nudo de la especulación se halla en la estructura político-económica que le da cabida. La habitual dualidad teatro privado/teatro público se ramifica en una tercera posibilidad: la del teatro independiente a cuya sombra se forja la revolución escénica. La perspectiva teórica tiene en la perspectiva crítica el complemento perfecto para el estudio conjunto y global de la cuestión. El dibujo de los movimientos dentro del mapa de la crítica teatral constituye la segunda mitad del trabajo resultando esencial en el estudio de la mirada de un tiempo ante el acontecimiento escénico. El trabajo aborda, en primer lugar, el análisis de la crítica inmediata mediante el examen de las críticas procedentes de Abc, Triunfo, la Gaceta Ilustrada y El País, procediendo seguidamente al examen de la crítica especializada mediante el análisis de las procedentes de Primer Acto, Yorick y Pipirijaina. El estudio se detiene en la determinación del tiempo y espacio dedicado al análisis del texto y del espectáculo, en el examen de la terminología teatral empleada así como en la búsqueda de los principales focos de la atención en cada uno de los aspectos textuales o espectaculares (escenografía, iluminación, interpretación, etc.). Comprobamos así cómo tanto el examen de las ideas teatrales como el de los movimientos de la atención de la crítica teatral convergen hacia un dibujo común que se exige y se explica de forma mutua, el del discurso crítico sobre lo teatral. RESUMEN EN INGLÉS: The aim of the present study consists in the analysis of the changes in the theoretical-critical discourse which emerges around theatre in the years that see Spain move from a dictatorship to a democracy. In the heart of this work lies the outlining of the conversation about theatre in the period 1966-1982. The study focuses, in the first place, on the delimitation of the theoretical horizon from which this research stems. Then it moves on to consider the diagnostic of a crucial moment in Spanish culture; a moment in which the silenced Spain emerges from the theatrical platform. Following this introductory framework, two different blocks which, nevertheless, keep evident parallelisms shape the body of this research. On the one hand, we present the critical analysis of the discourses about theatre that appeared between 1966 and 1982 and, on the other hand, the analysis of the shifts of focus of theatre criticism. In the second block, entitled "The genealogy of theatrical ideas", we address the essential poetics-politics duality, which is inherent to every artistic manifestation and is particularly convenient in the case of theatre. The rupture of the realisms and the inauguration of staging poetics are followed by the progressive institutionalization of certain changes during the political transition to democracy. The insufficiency of the realist poetics to fulfil the political and aesthetic aims of the moment will soon make necessary a new writing and a new scene. Outside oxygen makes the flame spark and burn. The new writing will be the one proposed by the so-called new authors in dramatic texts and prologues about the human and the divine with a clear avant-garde identity. The new scene will be the one improvised from independent theatre, giving birth to scenic poetics which had not been given room in Spanish stages up to that moment. These two places constitute the key turning points in the advancement from textcentric approaches to approximations in which the spectacular dimension becomes a centre that cannot be subordinated to the text. In the realm of the issues pertaining to theatrical politics, the analysis confirms the fact that the theatrical change preceded the political change and looks into the reasons for the paradoxical silence of the theatre in times of freedom. Another node of the study regarding politics and theatre is the political-economical structure that gives room to it. The habitual duality private theatre/public theatre branches out into a third possibility: that of independent theatre that gives shelter to the scenic revolution. The theoretical perspective finds the perfect complement to undertake a comprehensive study of the issue in the critical perspective and in the analysis of the then focus of attention of the theatrical criticism. The movement patterns in the map of theatrical criticism are thus essential for the study of the look of a time before the theatrical event. The study addresses, first, the analysis of the criticism appearing in the general press, followed by the analysis of the specialized periodicals, inserted into specifically theatrical means. The study approaches reviews from Abc, Triunfo, Gaceta Ilustrada and El País within the framework of journalistic criticism; and from Primer Acto, Yorick and Pipirijaina as specialized criticism. The study focuses on the identification of time and space devoted to the analysis of text and performance, on the examination of theatrical terminology and on the search of the main focal point in each of the textual or dramatic aspects (scenery, lighting, performance, etc.). This research proves how the studies of both the theatrical ideas and the shift of attention of theater criticism converge towards a common pattern that is mutually required and explained, that of the critical discourse on theatricality. TÉRMINOS TESAURO: 550514 FILOLOGIA ESPAÑOLA 570107 LENGUA Y LITERATURA CÓDIGOS UNESCO: 6202Teoría, análisis y crítica literarias 6203Teoría, análisis y crítica de las Bellas Artes

In our lives we will have to make hundreds upon thousands of choices. The effects of these choices will follow us with varying intervals; some effects may be brief while others may literally last a lifetime. In these moments that we are forced to chose, it ultimately comes down to two options, what we should do, and what we want to do. Essentially, it is a choice between the head and the heart. Playwrights depend on these moments of choice, for it is the basis of almost all plays. At some point, the protagonist must make a choice, even if the choice is not to choose. In the early part of the 20th Century, a religious philosopher by the name of Aleister Crowley helped to define these choices, or as he referred to them, Wills. In essence, he stated that everyone has a True Will and a conscious will, and the path that you will ultimately follow is contingent on the choices you make in your life. Following your True Will, the path of 'the heart' will lead you to a sense of Nirvana, while following your conscious will, the path of 'the head' leads to a life unfulfilled. While some called him demonic (he occasionally referred to himself as 'The Beast With Two Backs) others saw him as a sage – someone to esoterically explain the chaotic and industrial world of the early 1900's. Aleister Crowley seemed to be one of those few men that you either loved, or hated, or hated to love. At the dawn of the 20th Century, he was an English philosopher and religious guru that made a call to arms to the general populous to start living a better life. His theories will be explained fully in Chapter One, but ultimately he wanted everyone to achieve their True Will and leave their conscious wills by the wayside. He felt that this process could be achieved through what he referred to as his 'theorems' on magick. It is unknown exactly how the idea came to him to add the 'k' to the original magic; however speculation reveals he might have taken from the original Greek word magikE. Contrary to the modern definition of magic (the art of producing illusions by sleight of hand), Crowley felt that his magick was significantly more complex. Pulling on philosophies from the Egyptians and the Celts along with basic Buddhist principles, he defined his magick within his twenty-eight 'theorems'. Ultimately, he philosophized that magick was a way to enlighten a person, or, for the purposes of this thesis a character's True Will4 and to avoid following their conscious will. In layman's terms, Crowley saw it as an argument between the head (conscious will) and the heart (True Will). While the main focus of this thesis is on the tension and outcome of the decision of a character to follow their True Will or their conscious will, it is impossible to talk about these two concepts without discussing, at least in part, magick. Crowley saw magick as the practice and process to achieve True Will. This study, therefore, involves both homonyms, magic and magick. By applying this process as defined by Crowley in his self-named theorems to plays and musicals that have been defined as strictly 'magic,' I am looking for not only the exact moment in which the main protagonists in each play define and execute their decision to follow their True or conscious Wills, but also to critically examine their journey to that fatal decision. I describe it as such because I feel that a characters fate may truly depend on the choice that they make. These philosophies are not new to the philosophical world. Other theorists such as Schopenhauer and Nietzsche and their relation to Crowley's theories will be discussed later; however I felt that because Crowley is the one who his responsible for rejuvenating the word 'magick' from the Greeks in the 20th Century, I should be able to use his theories as a modern lens to examine A Midsummer Nights Dream, Marisol, and Wicked. I plan to take plays that cross both genre and era and consider not only (1) what can be illuminated using this 'Crowlean lens', but I also to highlight (2) any universal truths, by which I mean any ideological or philosophical ideas that appear in all three plays, that can be found in works as diverse as the ones that I have chosen. While their connection to True Will may be tangential in nature, if there are things in common in these plays that are brought to light using Crowley's lens, then I feel it is worth noting. By examining these two factors I will be able to see if critics have accurately defined these plays. My goal is to add the 'Crowlean lens' to the already existing approaches to critically examining a theatrical piece. This lens, as defined before, is simply taking Crowley's concepts of True Will and conscious will and their link to the progression of magick within a character to illuminate the characters choices leading up to their breaking point in which they must ask themselves "Do I chose what I should do, or what I want to do?" The three plays I chose were done for specific reasons. The basic criterion was to choose on a basis of (1) chronology, (2) genre, (3) and magical reference5. I took three plays that entertained the religious, philosophical, and fantastical nature of what I felt best applied to Crowley's theories. Keeping in mind that Crowley interpreted his magick as a philosophy, a religion, and a way of life to ultimately achieving True Will, I felt it pertinent to explore these aspects of each play as well. In the musical Wicked, the philosophical nature of the piece asks the question 'Are people born wicked? Or do they have wickedness thrust upon them?' This question can be answered through a variety of subjects. By exploring these issues within the context of its main character, Elphaba, (pronounced EL-fa-ba), and a variety of themes throughout this musical (including behavior, appearance, deception, honesty, courage and labeling) we find that True Will and conscious will in the land of Oz are flowering. Defining our True Will, according to Crowley, takes constant affirmations and diligent calculations of our feelings and utilizing those to aid in making the right choice for that specific moment6. In this fashion, Marisol marries the idea of what the author calls 'magical realism' in a post-apocalyptic New York City with a fervent religiosity all while underscoring the political nature of the 1980s indigent cleanup initiated by then mayor Ed Koch. Through the character of Marisol Perez, we find that not only is the choice between True Will and conscious confusing, but it can be potentially lethal. Within the structure of this play is also where Crowley's spiritual views on True Will and conscious will become highlighted. The Lovers (Helena, Demetrius, Hermia, and Lysander) in Shakespeare's fantastical A Midsummer Night's Dream is the perfect backdrop to explore Crowley's more eccentric philosophies on magick and how these philosophies relate to True and conscious will. In essence, I plan to not only explore the choices that these four individuals make due to acts of both types of magic(k), but their ultimate consequences as well. It also must be noted that during the process of this thesis, the one overarching theme throughout all three plays dealt with Crowley's theory of self-preservation. I feel that this is innately tied into the idea of True Will. By achieving True Will, we are inherently attempting to make the best choices for ourselves. This inherently keeps alive the innate human instinct of survival. At the end of this thesis, I hope to defend that Crowley's concepts of True Will and conscious will, when applied in tandem with Crowley's concepts of magick, can be a valid lens to examine theatrical works, old and new alike. ; 2008-12-01 ; M.A. ; Arts and Humanities, Department of Theatre ; Masters ; This record was generated from author submitted information.

An argument for why Plato's Laws can be considered his most important political dialogueIn Beyond the Republic, André Laks argues that the Laws, Plato's last and longest dialogue, is also his most important political work, surpassing the Republic in historical relevance. Laks offers a thorough reappraisal of this less renowned text, and examines how it provides a critical foundation for the principles of lawmaking. In doing so, he makes clear the tremendous impact the Laws had not only on political philosophy, but also on modern political history.Laks shows how the four central ideas in the Laws—the corruptibility of unchecked power, the rule of law, a "middle" constitution, and the political necessity of legislative preambles—are articulated within an intricate and masterful literary architecture. He reveals how the work develops a theological conception of law anchored in political ideas about a god, divine reason, that is the measure of political order. Laks's reading opens a complex analysis of the relationships between rulers and citizens; their roles in a political system; the power of reason and persuasion, as opposed to force, in commanding obedience; and the place of freedom.Beyond the Republic presents a sophisticated reevaluation of a philosophical work that has exerted an enormous if often hidden influence even into the present day

En ocasiones anteriores, ya hemos hablado aquí en Letras Internacionales sobre qué hace único y distintivo al campo de las relaciones internacionales con respecto a otras disciplinas, y sobre las implicancias generales de teorizar o pensar en términos teóricos acerca del mundo. En esta oportunidad, sin embargo, hablaremos más bien sobre qué iguala a nuestra disciplina con las demás ciencias sociales. Sobre todo en lo que concierne a la teorización. Asimismo, discutiremos con cierto grado de detalle un caso paradigmático y ejemplificador como es la perdurabilidad de la Unión Europea (UE) dentro del marco de explicaciones teóricas de la disciplina. El foco principal de este ensayo está puesto en analizar las implicancias de la existencia de la UE para la teoría de relaciones internacionales; en particular, en lo que respecta a la última gran crisis europea.IEn términos generales, se considera que una teoría debiera poder cumplir dos funciones básicas. Por un lado, simplificar realidades complejas con el fin de ayudar a alcanzar ciertas explicaciones sobre relaciones causales presentes en determinados tipos de situaciones. Es decir, clarificar y dar sentido a fenómenos complejos. Y por el otro, en base a esas relaciones de causas y efectos supuestas y/o constatadas, generar expectativas y predicciones sobre futuros rumbos o resultados concretos a partir de un objeto de estudio determinado. En relaciones internacionales, así como en todas las disciplinas dentro de las ciencias sociales, el acto de teorizar está sujeto a múltiples limitaciones y dificultades.A diferencia de las ciencias "duras" o naturales, por ejemplo, donde quien teoriza tiene la capacidad de experimentar controlando su objeto de estudio —ya sea en un laboratorio o en una computadora—, y donde dicha experimentación puede ser repetida una y otra vez bajo mismas condiciones, en las ciencias sociales cada situación es, como bien dice Jean-Baptiste Duroselle, un suceso esencialmente único e irrepetible. Este punto de contraste entre ambas áreas de estudio también plantea serios obstáculos a la capacidad predictiva de las teorías. En lo exclusivamente concerniente a la teoría de relaciones internacionales, al no poder escapar a estas mismas fuertes limitaciones más generales, ésta va necesariamente detrás de los hechos. En otras palabras, en nuestra disciplina, construir teorías para predecir el futuro es un acto más de fe que de ciencia exacta. A lo sumo, el carácter predictivo de las teorías de relaciones internacionales se asemeja más a una partida de póquer que a una de truco, ya que nuestras expectativas teóricas sobre el futuro no se apoyan en adivinanzas sobre las cartas del otro (o donde es posible y hasta beneficioso "engatusar" al otro con "trucos" y "envidos"), sino en lo que comúnmente se llama "educated guesses" (o "adivinanzas educadas"). Éstas, a diferencias de las otras, son decisiones del tipo de "adivinanza", pero que están respaldadas por estimaciones de probabilidad. Comprender dicha distinción es fundamental para evaluar cuándo estamos frente a una "predicción" simplona que bien podríamos reemplazar con el lanzamiento de una moneda, o bien cuándo estamos frente a una "prognosis", apoyada en cierto conocimiento probabilístico y/o contextual, aunque nunca despojado por entero del gran factor homogeneizador que es la incertidumbre. Con estos elementos introductorios en consideración, veamos ahora cómo algunas de las teorías más importantes de relaciones internacionales tratan el caso de la UE, tanto en su creación como en su perdurabilidad, y los prospectos a futuro.IIDesde el fin de la Guerra Fría, el continente europeo ha brindado la oportunidad de estudiar y contrastar, en los hechos mismos, el grado de validez de muchas teorías de relaciones internacionales. En particular, ha permitido evaluar con profundidad cada una de las "predicciones" destiladas de las diferentes corrientes teóricas. La UE, en tanto caso de estudio, representa una de esas oportunidades históricas inigualables (como se ha dicho más arriba), únicas e irrepetibles, que es de gran utilidad a la hora de evaluar tanto las virtudes como las limitaciones de la teorización en relaciones internacionales.Los argumentos teóricos más importantes acerca de la UE pueden ordenarse en tres grupos. En un primer lugar, existe un grupo numeroso de trabajos que problematiza los orígenes de la UE en clave "seguridad" vs. "economía". Según este grupo, el identificar cuáles son las motivaciones particulares iniciales detrás del proyecto de integración europea es central para la discusión del segundo grupo. Así, en segundo lugar, otro grupo de trabajos problematiza lasustentabilidad del proyecto europeo en el tiempo. Para ambos grupos, entender los orígenes de la UE en términos de amenazas a la seguridad, o de prosperidad económica, plantea grandes diferencias analíticas ya que, uno u otro rumbo, sirven por igual para sustentar distintas explicaciones con respecto a la capacidad de la UE de perdurar en el tiempo, o bien menguar lentamente, a la luz de la implosión de la Unión Soviética (URSS) en 1991. Un tercer grupo de trabajos problematiza el carácter único, distintivo e inédito del proyecto europeo. Según esta última perspectiva, la UE constituye un fenómeno nunca antes visto en las relaciones internacionales y que, por lo tanto, no puede supeditarse tan rígidamente a los mismos estándares teóricos que, por ejemplo, se aplican para entender las relaciones interestatales más vulgares.En la primera discusión, son más bien los autores realistas y neorrealistas quienes plantean de manera más sólida la tesis de la "seguridad" como el disparador de la integración europea. Principalmente, autores como Mearsheimer, Layne, Waltz, Posen, Grieco, Jones, y en especial Rosato, defienden la idea de los orígenes más bien paganos de la UE. En concreto, la UE se explica por el efecto combinado del contexto histórico de hostilidad bipolar de la Guerra Fría, la amenazante presencia cercana de la URSS, y el rol de primacía de los Estados Unidos. Para estos autores, el acercamiento entre los otrora archirrivales Francia y Alemania se explica de manera muy natural y simple por factores que la corriente realista tradicionalmente ha resaltado. Por el contrario, otro grupo sostiene que los orígenes se encuentran en la búsqueda de la prosperidad (principalmente autores liberales europeo-norteamericanos como Moravcsik, Olson, Cooper, Keohane, Hoffmann, Rosecrance; o constructivistas, como Risse-Kappen, Haas, Checkel, o Wendt). Es decir, que el motivo fundamental del acercamiento y la pacificación de las relaciones franco-alemanas, que permitió luego dar inicio a una serie de proyectos integradores a escala continental, no se debió a cuestiones mundanas de seguridad, típicamente destacadas por los realistas, sino que más bien surgió del reconocimiento por parte de los líderes del momento (una versión europea de los "padres fundadores") de que la lucha, el antagonismo y la confrontación crónica de las relaciones europeas sólo había llevado a los países del continente a una posición relegada y disminuida en las relaciones internacionales. En resumidas cuentas, la versión realista de los orígenes de la UE se apoya en consideraciones de seguridad, supervivencia, temor a un enemigo común, y a la presencia protectora del paraguas militar norteamericano. El momento clave para los realistas es, pues, el Tratado de Dunkirk (1947) y el Tratado de Bruselas (1948). Para la versión liberal-constructivista, los puntos de inicio son 1951, año de la creación de la Comunidad Europea del Carbón y del Acero (CECA), y más formalmente 1957, con el Tratado de Roma.En la segunda discusión, nuevamente se da un corte entre realistas, por un lado, y tanto liberales como constructivistas, por el otro. Los primeros sostienen que dada la naturaleza de seguridad de los orígenes de la UE, su evolución y sustentabilidad en el tiempo están estrechamente ligadas a los mismos factores. En concreto, sostienen que en la medida en que tanto la actual Federación Rusa no pueda reemplazar en igual grado de amenaza y antagonismo a la otrora URSS, como que el compromiso norteamericano mengue, las fuerzas estructurales en juego hacia el mantenimiento de una UE coherente y unificada se debilitarán. Como consecuencia principal, para los realistas, la UE en tanto una institución internacional se encuentra en jaque hoy más que nunca ya que los incentivos que le dieron origen y justificación actualmente han desaparecido o están en un franco proceso de retirada. Los segundos, compuestos tanto por liberales como por constructivistas, sostienen una visión mucho más optimista de la UE. Se apoyan en los clásicos argumentos liberales relacionados al rol estabilizador y homogeneizador de las instituciones internacionales por sobre el comportamiento exterior de los estados, así como por sobre las identidades y la configuración de sus preferencias de política exterior. En este sentido, la institución internacional que todos llamamos "Unión Europea" ha cobrado vida por sí misma y, ahora, su perdurabilidad depende de sí y ya no de elementos típicamente realistas. El impacto por sobre los estados-miembro de la UE no sólo se da en el plano institucional, sino también en el de las identidades y la identificación con la forma de gobierno democrático-republicana, y ciertos valores y principios generales que incluyen, pero van más allá, de la declaración de los Derechos Humanos y las normas del derecho internacional.Por último, en la tercera discusión, un grupo pequeño pero creciente de autores da por tierra con todos los argumentos anteriores, ubicándolos en el plano del anacronismo y la obsolescencia. Desde esta nueva perspectiva, las herramientas teóricas tradicionales de la disciplina (y particularmente las provenientes del realismo), ya son parte del pasado, de una forma ya anticuada de ver el mundo, y de una concepción de las relaciones internacionales anclada en una etapa anterior de la evolución del sistema internacional. Por ello, la UE exige la elaboración de nuevos enfoques y herramientas analíticas, de un carácter mucho más original y sui generis. Muchos de los autores dentro de esta última corriente se ubican en lo que comúnmente llamamos teorías del "post-modernismo" en relaciones internacionales, aunque también muchos autores liberales y constructivistas suelen aportar ideas interesantes en este otro campo. Uno de los trabajos más característicos de esta discusión es el libroInternational Relations and the European Union, editado por Hill y Smith en 2005. Esta obra ya clásica, demuestra en todo su esplendor el argumento en pos de una concepción distintiva e inédita sobre la UE, presentando una pléyade de autores que recorren el espectro liberal, de sociedad internacional, marxistas y neo-marxistas, así como otros de difícil categorización.IIIEn suma, entonces, como hemos visto existen diversos tipos de explicaciones teóricas con respecto a los orígenes, el desarrollo y el carácter de la UE, y cada uno de ellos se condice de manera coherente con los preceptos básicos de cada corriente teórica. Sin embargo, aún resta por aclarar algunos aspectos relacionados a la predicción o prognosis de estos mismos enfoques. Por un lado, y si pausamos por un momento los alegatos del tercer grupo, podemos decir que tanto las teorías realistas como las liberales y las constructivistas poseen elementos claramente distintivos unos con otros y que generan potenciales escenarios a futuro de manera clara y coherente. Para unos, más pesimistas, el futuro de la UE está ligado a las condiciones de seguridad iniciales, y dado el actual entorno internacional, su futuro es incierto y problemático. Para otros, más optimistas, las condiciones iniciales de búsqueda de prosperidad económica plantean escenarios prospectivos de otra índole, más estables y duraderos, aún a pesar de los grandes cambios en el entorno.Como conclusión, debemos regresar a nuestro punto de inicio. Dado que, como se ha dicho al comienzo, la teorización en ciencias sociales va más bien por detrás de los hechos, momentos como el actual constituyen una instancia inigualable de testeo de muchas de las premisas y predicciones teóricas de nuestra disciplina. Plantear cuáles perspectivas o autores arrastran más peso sería traicionar los principios planteados por nosotros mismos en este ensayo. Sin embargo, sí puede mencionarse la constante renovación y ascenso en importancia de distintas teorías en distintos momentos históricos de la UE; es decir, el constante estado de auge y declive de ciertos grupos de explicaciones por sobre otras. En los últimos diez años, las corrientes liberales y constructivistas, así como también las post-modernas, parecían reinar por sobre las más tradicionales, simplistas y añejas perspectivas; parecían verse constatadas de manera irrefutable por los hechos. Sin embargo, cual ave Fénix, estas mismas perspectivas se han quedado mudas frente a los renovados embates mundanos de las corrientes siempre-escépticas y más pesimistas de la UE y las relaciones internacionales más en general. De hecho, uno podría argumentar que no son estos embates en sí quienes han descolocado a las explicaciones optimistas de la UE, sino la evidencia de los hechos en sí. Si bien aún es muy temprano para declarar quiénes han sido refutados y quiénes revalidados, las tendencias son cada vez más claras en el sentido contrario a los defensores de la perdurabilidad de lo inédito y lo imaginado. Todo pareciera indicar que el cambio cualitativo en las relaciones internacionales (es decir, uno que modifique sustancialmente y haga trascender la condición "anárquica" o descentralizada del sistema de estados) es más difícil incluso de lo que muchos escépticos creen. Todo pareciera indicar que estamos comenzando a vivir el ayer, una vez más.*Profesor, Universidad Abierta Interamericana (UAI), Buenos Aires.Maestría en Estudios Internacionales,Universidad Torcuato di Tella (Tesista).Lecturas sugeridas: Visiones generales:Filippo Andreatta, "Theory and the European Union's International Relations", en: Christopher Hill y Michael Smith (eds.), International Relations and the European Union(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005).Simon Collard-Wexler, "Integration Under Anarchy: Neorealism and the EU", European Journal of International Relations, Vol. 12, No. 3 (2006), pp. 397-432.Joseph M. Grieco, "The Maastricht Treaty, Economic and Monetary Union and the Neo-Realist Research Programme", Review of International Studies, Vol. 21 (1995), pp. 21-40.Visiones realistas y neorrealistas:John J. Mearsheimer, "Back to the Future. Instability in Europe After the Cold War",International Security, Vol. 15, No. 1 (Summer 1990), pp. 5-56.Eric Posner, "Europe's Missing Identity", Wall Street Journal (June 4, 2010). Disponible en: http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052748704596504575272742111445082.htmlNiall Ferguson, "The End of the Euro", Newsweek (May 07, 2010). Disponible en:www.newsweek.com/2010/05/07/the-end-of-the-euro.html.Sebastian Rosato, "The Untied States of Europe", en: Stephen M. Walt Foreign Policy blog (Wednesday, June 23, 2010). Disponible en: http://walt.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2010/06/23/guest_post_the_untied_states_of_europe.Barry S. Posen, "ESDP, Response to Unipolarity", Security Studies, Vol. 15, No. 2 (April-June 2006), pp. 149-186.Sebastian Rosato, "Balancing Act: The Power Politics of European Integration", Program on International Politics, Economics, and Security (PIPES), Fall 2006 Speaker Series, University of Chicago (October 5, 2006), 57 pp.Sebastian Rosato, "The Strategic Logic of Integration", paper presentated at the Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, Washington, DC (September 2005), 22 pp.John J. Mearsheimer, "Warum herrscht Frieden in Europa?", Leviathan, 37 (2009), pp. 519-531.Stephen Van Evera, "Primed for Peace: Europe after the Cold War", International Security, Vol. 15, No. 3 (Winter 1990/91), pp. 7-57.Adrian Hyde-Price, "A 'Tragic Actor'. A realist perspective on 'ethical power Europe'",International Affairs, Vol. 84, No. 1 (2008), pp. 29-44.Christopher Layne, "America as European Hegemon", The National Interest (Summer 2003), pp. 17-29.Visiones liberales y constructivistas:Andrew Moravcsik, The Choice for Europe. Social Purpose and State Power from Messina to Maastricht (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1998).Stanley Hoffmann, "Obstinate or Obsolete? The Fate of the Nation-state and the Case of Western Europe", Dædalus, Vol. 95, No. 3 (Summer 1966), pp. 862-915.Richard Rosecrance, "The European Union: A New Type of Actor", en: Jan Zielonka (ed.),Paradoxes of European Foreign policy (The Hague: Kluwer Law International, 1998), pp. 15-23.Stanley Hoffmann, Robert O. Keohane y John J. Mearsheimer, "Correspondence. Back to the Future, Part II: International Relations Theory and Post-Cold War Europe", International Security, Vol. 15, No. 2 (Fall 1990), pp. 191-199.Bruce M. Russett, Thomas Risse-Kappen y John J. Mearsheimer, "Correspondence. Back to the Future, Part III: Realism and the Realities of European Security", International Security, Vol. 15, No. 3 (Winter 1990/91), pp. 216-222.Andrew Moravcsik, "In Defense of Europe", Newsweek (May 30, 2010). Disponible en:www.newsweek.com/2010/05/30/in-defense-of-europe.html.Thomas Risse, "Social Constructivism and European Integration", en: Antje Wiener y Thomas Diez (eds.), European Integrations Theory (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), pp. 159-176.Robert O. Keohane y Lisa L. Martin, "The Promise of Institutionalist Theory", International Security, Vol. 20, No. 1 (Summer 1995), pp. 39-51.Joseph Jupille, James A. Caporaso y Jeffrey T. Checkel, "Integrating Institutions. Rationalism, Constructivism, and the European Union", Comparative Political Studies, Vol. 36, No. 1/2 (February/March 2003), pp. 7-40.John G. Ruggie, "The False Premise of Realism", International Security, Vol. 20, No. 1 (Summer 1995), pp. 62-70.Visiones post-modernas: Christopher Hill y Michael Smith (eds.), International Relations and the European Union(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005). En especial, ver cap. 1 y cap. 18.Karen Smith, "The European Union: A Distinctive Actor in International Relations", The Brown Journal of World Affairs, Vol. 9, No. 2 (Winter/Spring 2003), pp. 103-113.Alex Warleigh, "Learning from Europe? EU Studies and the re-thinking of 'International Relations'", European Journal of International Relations, Vol. 12, No. 1 (March 2006), pp. 31-51.

Reality shows cast relatively diverse groups with the intention of seeing whether conflict or harmony will result. Success in reality competitions is often achieved through the development of alliances and strategic relationships and the process by which these unions form can be sociologically fascinating to watch. Yet, sociology, in method and theory, has rarely been applied to the analysis of reality television. This is not to say that reality television has not been examined academically. In fact, there is a growing body of research, primarily conducted by communication studies scholars, that takes this type of television seriously. Thus, there is a foundation for teaching the sociology of reality television and excellent resources for doing so.Author recommendsAndrejevic, Mark 2004. Reality TV: The Work of Being Watched. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield.This book was one of the first monographs on reality television. Andrejevic looks at the significance of the 'digital era' and the idea of how genres like reality television encourage interactivity. He was able to interview cast members of reality programs and analyze their experiences, a body of data not available elsewhere. Also, Andrejevic discusses multiple shows including Survivor, The Real World, and Big Brother.Brenton, Sam and Reuben Cohen 2003. Shooting People: Adventures in Reality TV. London, UK: Verso.Although not a piece of scholarly research, this book would be useful in a course on reality television or new media as it raises questions regarding ethics in the genre and it is also very readable and engaging. Brenton and Cohen discuss underpublicized controversial episodes in reality television production and ask at what cost to society and participants are these shows made. They ponder the future of reality television and where and when lines will be drawn as to what is too invasive or private or inhumane to be broadcast.Dubrofsky, Rachel 2006. 'The Bachelor: Whiteness in the Harem.'Critical Studies in Media Communication 23: 39–56.Dubrofsky looks at depictions of race and gender on the reality dating show The Bachelor. She notes how shows like this privilege whiteness through casting and editing. The Bachelor occasionally makes use of racial and ethnic minorities as exotic others when it serves the show to contrast such contestants. This is a good example of how racial, ethnic, and gender stereotypes can be reinforced by media.Hill, Annette 2005. Reality TV: Audiences and Popular Factual Television. London, UK: Routledge.Hill is one of few researchers who has conducted detailed audience analysis. Using survey research and ethnographic methods, Hill looks at the ways viewers watch and interpret reality shows. She discusses motivations for watching, what appealed to viewers and what did not, and the degree to which viewers take what they see as real.Jones, Janet Megan 2003. 'Show Your Real Face: A Fan Study of the UK Big Brother Transmission (2000, 2001, 2002). Investigating the Boundaries between Notions of Consumers and Producers of Factual Television.'New Media & Society 5: 400–21.Janet Megan Jones conducted a three‐wave survey of 8,000 viewers of Big Brother UK in order to determine what audiences respond to on the program, particularly which characters and characteristics are most appealing. She argues that viewers enter into a 'personalized reality contract' with the show and the contestants in which they suspend their disbelief regarding the constructed nature of the show. Fans search for the truth or reality within the unreal environment; even though they know the show and its premise are contrived. This is one of the most comprehensive pieces of audience research and its interesting findings should generate class discussion.Misra, Joya 2000. 'Integrating The Real World into Introduction to Sociology: Making Sociological Concepts Real.'Teaching Sociology 28: 346–363.A guide to using clips from the reality program, The Real World, to teach sociology. The principles suggested in this article may be useful in stimulating use of clips from reality programs generally and specifically.Escoffrey, David S. 2006. How Real Is Reality TV? Essays on Representation and Truth. Jefferson, NC: McFarland & Co.Holmes, Su and Deborah Jermyn (eds) 2004. Understanding Reality Television. London, UK: Routledge.Murray, Susan and Laurie Ouellette (eds) 2004. Reality TV: Remaking Television Culture. New York, NY: New York University Press.These three edited volumes are excellent collections of articles about reality television. All deal with production, content, and consumption. Any would be suitable as a text for class as they all contain interesting chapters that cover themes like defining the genre, the reality television industry, political culture, and representations of race, ethnicity, gender, and sexuality.Online materialsTo my knowledge, there are no online resources specifically dealing with academic analysis of reality television. However, there are some Web sites that would be useful for exploration and incorporation in a course and in course projects. http://www.nielsen.com/ The Nielsen media group, who conduct the Nielsen ratings of television viewing, provides a limited amount of free information regarding viewing patterns on its Web site. There is some material regarding ratings and some reports that can be accessed here. Information about grants and internships and other resources for students are also available on this site. http://www.realitytvworld.com This Web site contains comprehensive listings and information about reality shows, past and present. If you are unfamiliar with a particular reality show or students are unfamiliar, this Web site could be consulted for background information. Links to news articles about reality shows and contestants are also listed here. http://www.televisionwithoutpity.com Television Without Pity provides very detailed recaps and discussion forums for selected television programs, including many reality shows (including America's Next Top Model, Survivor, Big Brother, The Biggest Loser, Project Runway, and Top Chef). If you are studying a show in depth or analyzing a particular show and miss an episode or want detailed summaries to use in class, this site is quite useful.Sample syllabus Course Outline and Selected Reading Assignments 1. Studying television from a sociological perspective Ang, Ien 1985. Watching Dallas: Soap Opera and the Melodramatic Imagination. New York, NY: Routledge.Gamson, Joshua 1998. Freaks Talk Back: Tabloid Talk Shows and Sexual Nonconformity. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.Grindstaff, Laura and Joseph Turow 2006. 'Video Cultures: Television Sociology in the "New TV" Age.'Annual Review of Sociology 32:103–25. 2. Foundations of reality television Baker, Sean 2003. 'From Dragnet to Survivor: Historical and Cultural Perspectives on Reality Television.' Pp. 57–72 in Survivor Lessons: Essays on Communication and Reality Television, edited by Matthew J. Smith and Andrew F. Wood. Jefferson, NC: McFarland & Co.Biressi, Anita and Heather Nunn 2005. Reality TV: Realism and Revelation. London, UK: Wallflower Press.Cavender, Gray and Mark Fishman 1998. 'Television Reality Crime Programs: Context and History.' Pp. 1–18 in Entertaining Crime: Television Reality Programs, edited by Mark Fishman and Gray Cavender. New York, NY: Aldine de Gruyter.Clissold, Bradley D. 2004. 'Candid Camera and the Origins of Reality TV: Contextualising a Historical Precedent.' Pp. 33–53 in Understanding Reality Television, edited by Su Holmes and Deborah Jermyn. London, UK: Routledge.Corner, John 2002. 'Performing the Real: Documentary Diversions.'Television & New Media 3: 255–269.Gillan, Jennifer 2004. 'From Ozzie Nelson to Ozzy Osbourne: the Genesis and Development of the Reality (Star) Sitcom.' Pp. 54–70 in Understanding Reality Television, edited by Su Holmes and Deborah Jermyn. London, UK: Routledge.McCarthy, Anna 2004. '"Stanley Milgram, Allen Funt, and Me": Postwar Social Science and the "First Wave" of Reality Television.' Pp. 19–39 in Reality TV: Remaking Television Culture, edited by Susan Murray and Laurie Ouellette. New York, UK: New York University Press. 3. Defining a genre Biressi, Anita and Heather Nunn 2005. Reality TV: Realism and Revelation. London, UK: Wallflower Press.Bignell, Jonathan 2005. Big Brother: Reality TV in the Twenty‐First Century. New York, NY: Palgrave.Fetveit, Arild 1999. 'Reality TV in the Digital Era: A Paradox in Visual Culture?'Media, Culture & Society 21: 787–804.Holmes, Su and Deborah Jermyn 2004b. 'Introduction: Understanding Reality TV.' Pp. 1–32 in Understanding Reality Television, edited by Su Holmes and Deborah Jermyn. London, UK: Routledge.Kilborn, Richard 1994. '"How Real Can You Get?" Recent Developments in "Reality" Television.'European Journal of Communication 9: 421–39.Murray, Susan 2004. '"I Think We Need a New Name For It": The Meeting of Documentary and Reality TV.' Pp. 40–56 in Reality TV: Remaking Television Culture, edited by Susan Murray and Laurie Ouellette. New York, NY: New York University Press. 4. Production of reality Andrejevic, Mark 2004. Reality TV: The Work of Being Watched. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield.Brenton, Sam and Reuben Cohen 2003. Shooting People: Adventures in Reality TV. London, UK: Verso.Couldry, Nick 2004. 'Teaching Us to Fake It: The Ritualized Norms of Television's Reality Games.' Pp. 57–74 in Reality TV: Remaking Television Culture, edited by Susan Murray and Laurie Ouellette, 57–74. New York, NY: New York University Press. 5. Images, stereotypes, and issues of content a. Representation and stereotypes Andrejevic, Mark and Dean Colby 2006. Racism and Reality TV: The Case of MTV's Road Rules. Pp. 195–211 in How Real is Reality TV? Essays on Representation and Truth, edited by David S. Escoffrey. Jefferson, NC: McFarland & Co.Callais, Todd M. and Melissa Szozda 2006. 'Female Police Officers and Reality Television: Analyzing the Presentation of Police Work in Popular Culture.' Pp. 133–48 in How Real Is Reality TV? Essays on Representation and Truth, edited by David S. Escoffrey. Jefferson, NC: McFarland & Co.Dubrofsky, Rachel 2006. 'The Bachelor: Whiteness in the Harem.'Critical Studies in Media Communication 23: 39–56.Heinricy, Shana 2006. 'The Cutting Room: Gendered American Dreams on Plastic Surgery TV.' Pp. 149–64 in How Real is Reality TV? Essays on Representation and Truth, edited by David S. Escoffrey. Jefferson, NC: McFarland & Co.Johnston, Elizabeth 2006. 'How Women Really Are: Disturbing Parallels between Reality Television and 18th Century Fiction.' Pp. 115–32 in How Real Is Reality TV? Essays on Representation and Truth, edited by David S. Escoffrey. Jefferson, NC: McFarland & Co.Kraszewski, Jon 2004. 'Country Hicks and Urban Cliques: Mediating Race, Reality, and Liberalism on MTV's The Real World.' Pp. 179–196 in Reality TV: Remaking Television Culture, edited by Susan Murray and Laurie Ouellette. New York, NY: New York University Press.LeBesco, Kathleen 2004. 'Got to be Real: Mediating Gayness on Survivor.' Pp. 271–87 in Reality TV: Remaking Television Culture, edited by Susan Murray and Laurie Ouellette. New York, NY: New York University Press.Rapping, Elaine 2004. 'Aliens, Nomads, Mad Dogs, and Road Warriors: The Changing Face of Criminal Violence on TV.' Pp. 214–230 in Reality TV: Remaking Television Culture, edited by Susan Murray and Laurie Ouellette. New York, NY: New York University Press.Stephens, Rebecca L. 2004. 'Socially Soothing Stories? Gender, Race and Class in TLC's a Wedding Story and a Baby Story.' Pp. 191–210 in Understanding Reality Television, edited by Su Holmes and Deborah Jermyn. London, NY: Routledge. b. Other analyses of content Cavender, Gray 2004. 'In Search of Community on Reality TV: America's Most Wanted and Survivor.' Pp. 154–72 in Understanding Reality Television, edited by Su Holmes and Deborah Jermyn. London, UK: Routledge.Propp, Kathleen M. 2003. 'Metaphors of Survival: A Textual Analysis of the Decision‐Making Strategies of the Survivor Contestants.' Pp. 111–31 in Survivor Lessons: Essays on Communication and Reality Television, edited by Matthew J. Smith and Andrew F. Wood. Jefferson, NC: McFarland & Co.Wingenbach, Ed 2003. 'Survivor, Social Choice, and the Impediments to Political Rationality: Reality TV as Social Science Experiment.' Pp. 132–152 in Survivor Lessons: Essays on Communication and Reality Television, edited by. Matthew J. Smith and Andrew F. Wood. Jefferson, NC: McFarland & Co. 6. Audience response and analysis Crew, Richard E. 2006. 'Viewer Interpretations of Reality Television: How Real Is Survivor for Its Viewers?' Pp. 61–77 in How Real Is Reality TV? Essays on Representation and Truth, edited by David S. Escoffrey. Jefferson, NC: McFarland & Co.Hill, Annette 2005. Reality TV: Audiences and Popular Factual Television. London, UK: Routledge.Jones, Janet Megan 2003. 'Show Your Real Face: A Fan Study of the UK Big Brother Transmission (2000, 2001, 2002). Investigating the Boundaries between Notions of Consumers and Producers of Factual Television.'New Media & Society 5: 400–21.Ticknell, Estella and Parvati Raghuram 2004. 'Big Brother: Reconfiguring the "Active" Audience of cultural studies?' Pp. 252–69 in Understanding Reality Television, edited by Su Holmes and Deborah Jermyn. London, UK: Routledge.Wilson, Pamela 2004. 'Jamming Big Brother: Webcasting, Audience Intervention, and Narrative Activism.' Pp. 323–43 in Reality TV: Remaking Television Culture, edited by Susan Murray and Laurie Ouellette. New York, NY: New York University Press.Zurbriggen, Eileen L. and Elizabeth M. Morgan 2006. 'Who Wants to Marry a Millionaire? Reality Dating Television Programs, Attitudes Toward Sex, and Sexual Behaviors.'Sex Roles 54: 1–17. 7. The business of reality television Brenton, Sam and Reuben Cohen 2003. Shooting People: Adventures in Reality TV. London, UK: Verso.Madger, Ted. 2004. 'The End of TV 101: Reality Programs, Formats, and the New Business of Television.' Pp. 119–36 in Reality TV: Remaking Television Culture, edited by Susan Murray and Laurie Ouellette. New York, NY: New York University Press.Raphael, Chad 2004. 'The Political Origins of Reali‐TV.' Pp. 119–36 in Reality TV: Remaking Television Culture, edited by Susan Murray and Laurie Ouellette. New York, NY: New York University Press.Films and videosSurvivorOne of the earlier and more influential (in the USA) reality television series; some seasons are available in their entirety on DVD. Survivor is a show where 16 people live in a remote area with no modern conveniences. Every 3 days, participants compete in challenges and the outcome of these challenges determines which contestants are subject to being voted out of the game. At the end of the approximate 40 days, ousted players vote for who they believe should be the winner of the game. There are many in class analyses that can be done in conjunction with readings. Most reality shows would work in this manner (Big Brother, The Bachelor, The Amazing Race, Top Chef, etc.). Stereotyping, group dynamics, ethics, representations of reality are all themes that can be explored using episodes of Survivor. 1900 House (or any other PBS reality show). http://www.pbs.org/wnet/1900house/In this show, a family volunteered to live in a house that was set up to replicate the conditions of 1900. It is a good contrast to reality programs that air on network television, in terms of production values, editing, casting, etc. A professor might show clips from 1900 House and clips from Survivor and compare and contrast in a discussion of audience, entertainment, the reality of reality television, etc. The Reality of Reality TV (produced by Bravo, September 2003). http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0381797/This six episode miniseries featured an analysis of reality television production. It is likely to be difficult to find; however, if one is able to access it, it would be useful in to show in class. I mention it because there are no other comparable programs that I am aware of.Project ideasRepresentations of race, class, gender, and/or sexuality This assignment is intended to have students measure representations of race, gender, sexuality, and social class on reality shows. Students should watch a particular series throughout the semester or for several weeks. They should be given coding sheets (which can be designed in class) where they take note of representations of things like race, class, gender, sexuality, etc. For example, if they were assigned or chose to focus on representations of gender and sexuality, they might note the way men and women are dressed, emphasis on different body parts and body images, the amount of attention directed to appearance both by the contestants/participants and the editors, terms used to refer to women and men, activities that men and women are shown participating in, skills or tactics women and men are shown using to make alliances and/or win challenges. Students should write a paper where they describe these representations of gender and discuss whether or not they feel this is reflective of actual reality, with supporting evidence from academic articles on gender and sexuality. They should also discuss the implications of these images and whether or not such representations matter.Fan discussion of reality television This assignment is intended to expose fans to the ways in which viewers make meaning of and interact with reality shows. Direct students to a Web site for fans of reality television that allows nonmembers to browse or 'lurk' in forums (e.g. http://community.realitytvworld.com/boards/cgi‐bin/dcboard.cgi; http://forum.realityfanforum.com/)Have the students review topics on message boards and several pages (10–12) of message board dialogue in order to determine the ways in which fans use message boards, the subjects they discuss, whether or not they accept the dominant reading offered by the shows, their awareness of editing and production, popular and unpopular contestants, etc.Students should write a paper in which they discuss the ways in which viewers make meaning of and interact with reality shows, noting specifically how technology can change the relationship between viewers and producers and television programs.

Volume I -- 1 Cambridge, That Was: The Crucible of Heterodox Economics -- 1.1 The Narrative -- 1.2 Evolutions and Revolutions -- 1.2.1 The Great Banyan of Heterodox Traditions -- 1.2.2 Cohorts -- 1.2.3 The Cambridge Habitat -- 1.2.4 Which Cambridge? -- 1.3 Regime Change -- 1.3.1 The World of Cambridge: Stories Within -- 1.3.2 Worlds Beyond Cambridge: Neoliberalism at the Gates -- 1.4 The Dialectic of Competing Paradigms -- 1.4.1 Laissez-Faire: "Receding at last into the distance" -- 1.4.2 The Force of Ideas -- 1.4.3 Opposition Brewing -- 1.4.4 Evolutions and Hegemonic Incorporation -- 1.4.5 Ideological: Not the Techniques but the Purposes of Economics -- 1.4.6 Sociological: Mathematical Whiz-Kids and Ageing Dinosaurs -- 1.4.7 Beyond Kuhnian Reductionism -- 1.4.8 Mankiw's Pendulum -- 1.4.9 Solow's À La Carte Approach -- 1.4.10 Silos and Trenches -- 1.4.11 Joan Versus Hahn—History Versus Equilibrium -- 1.5 Semantics and Pedantics -- References -- 2 The Warring Tribes -- 2.1 A Sanctuary of Sages -- 2.1.1 Class to Community: The Cement of War -- 2.1.2 Community to Conflict: Cement to Sand -- 2.1.3 A Pride of Savage Prima Donnas -- 2.2 Faculty Wars -- 2.2.1 Paradise Lost -- 2.2.2 Fault Lines Within -- Wynne Godley: No Legacy No Synthesis, No Textbooks—The Samuelson Factor -- Shifting Student Preferences? -- "Irrelevance" and Irreverence: Joan and K-Theory -- Inbred Insularity, Complacency -- Simultaneities in the Demographic Lifecycle -- Lack of Internal Group Coherence -- The Heterodox Camp: No Chairs—Sorry, Standing Room Only -- A Break in Intergenerational Transmission, in the Reproduction of Traditions -- 2.3 Godfathers, Uncles and Nephews: The Gathering Foe -- 2.3.1 The Trojan Horse: By the Pricking of My Thumbs -- 2.3.2 Forming the Academy -- Meanwhile, at the Orthodox Party—A Merry Game of Musical Chairs -- 2.3.3 The Chess Master -- 2.4 The Campaign: How the War Was Lost and Won -- 2.4.1 The Orthodox Gambit: Capture the External Commanding Heights -- 2.4.2 Carrots and Commanders -- 2.4.3 Modus Operandi: Masters, Mandarins and Interlocking Committees -- References -- 3 Worlds Beyond Cambridge: The Global Web of the 'Neoliberal Thought Collective' -- 3.1 Conjunctures -- 3.1.1 1930s, The Prelude -- LSE Versus Cambridge -- Émigré Economists: The Benefactions of Lenin and Hitler -- 3.1.2 1940s, The Cascade -- 3.1.3 Keynesianism: Divergent Receptions -- Post-war Affinity in the UK -- Post-New Deal Hostility in the USA -- 3.2 Spreading the Word: Messiahs, Messages, Methods -- 3.2.1 Ideas and Ideologies: Manufacturers and Retailers -- 3.2.2 USA: Early Ideological Entrepreneurs of Libertarianism -- Harold Luhnow: The Volker Fund and its Dollars -- Foundation for Economic Education (FEE) and its Facilitators -- 3.2.3 Europe: Friedrich Hayek and the Mont Pelerin Society -- Antecedents -- Pilgrims Atop a Mountain, Mont Pelerin, Switzerland, April 1947 -- Financial Sponsors -- The First Meeting of Minds -- Sarcastic Schumpeter, Sceptical Solow, Scathing Samuelson -- 3.2.4 UK: Antony Fisher, Global Venture Capitalist of Think Tanks -- 3.3 Branding the Message: The 'Nobel' Prize -- 3.3.1 The Stockholm Connection: Ideological Entrepreneurs -- 3.3.2 Some Early Awards: Setting the Direction -- Jan Tinbergen—Ragnar Frisch 1969 -- Samuelson 1970 -- Gunnar Myrdal—Friedrich von Hayek 1974 -- Milton Friedman 1976 -- 3.3.3 Mont Pelerin Society and the 'Nobel'—A Golden Embrace -- 3.3.4 Cambridge Heterodoxy? -- 3.3.5 'An Ideological Coup' -- 3.4 Reaching Politics: Weaponising the Message -- 3.4.1 Santiago de Chile: Pinochet the Pioneer -- Chicago and its Cowboys -- Thatcher: Romancing Pinochet's Chile -- 3.4.2 The White House: Reagan, a Disciple -- 3.4.3 10 Downing Street: Thatcher, a Devotee -- More than its Weight in Gold—The Market Price of Symbolic Capital -- 3.4.4 Pulling Together -- 3.5 Besieging Cambridge: The Chicago–MIT–LSE Trinity -- 3.5.1 A Cross-Atlantic Triangle -- 3.5.2 Diversity of Practice -- 3.5.3 Unity of Purpose -- References -- 4 Camp Skirmishes Over Interstitial Spaces: Journals, Seminars, Textbooks -- 4.1 The Battle of Teruel—The Day before -- 4.2 Journals -- 4.2.1 EJ Leaves 'Home'—The Loss of a Flagship -- 4.2.2 CJE Arrives—A Forum of One's Own -- 4.2.3 Cambridge Economic Policy Review: One Crowded Hour of Glorious Life -- 4.3 Seminars -- 4.3.1 Cambridge Economic Club—A Marshallian Precursor: 1884–1890, 1896–? -- 4.3.2 Political Economy Club: From Keynes to Robertson to Kahn—Dazzling to Dour -- 4.3.3 The Marshall Society: A Socialisation into Economics and Its Purposes -- 4.3.4 Piero Sraffa's Research Students Seminar: A Precocious Nursery -- 4.3.5 In Retrospect, Austin Robinson on the Cambridge Circus: The Engine Room of The General Theory -- 4.3.6 Cambridge–LSE Joint Seminar: Jousting Juniors -- 4.3.7 Kahn's 'Secret' Seminar at King's: Fires in the Kitchen -- 4.3.8 The Richard Stone Common Room: Typhoo and Typhoons -- 4.3.9 Ajit Singh's Political Economy Seminar at Queens': Young Turks -- 4.3.10 Arestis and Kitson Political Economy Seminar at St. Catherine's College -- 4.3.11 Hahn's Churchill Seminar: Only Maths and Neoclassicals, Others Beware -- 4.3.12 Cambridge Growth Project Seminar at DAE -- 4.3.13 Hahn's 'Quaker' Risk Seminar: The Rising Tide -- 4.3.14 Matthews's CLARE Group: The Master's Lodge of Moderate Practitioners -- 4.3.15 Lawson—Realism and Social Ontology: Ways of Seeing and Framing -- 4.4 Textbooks -- 4.4.1 Distant Thunder: Keynes and McCarthy, Tarshis and Samuelson -- 4.4.2 Lawrence Klein and the Paradox of The Keynesian Revolution -- Puzzle -- Ph.D.—At Samuelson's Feet -- Cowles Commission—The New Dealers -- The Keynesian Revolution: The Extra Chapter— Klein, Then a Closet Marxist? -- Beyond Keynes -- UMich and McCarthyism -- Policy to Forecasting -- Resolution -- 4.4.3 'Death of a Revolutionary Textbook': Robinson and Eatwell -- 4.4.4 An 'Applied Economics' Textbook That Wasn't: Joan and Young Friends -- 4.5 The Battle of Teruel—The Day After -- Appendix 4.1: First off the Blocks: Mabel Timlin's Keynesian Economics, 1942 -- References -- 5 The DAE Trilogy -- 5.1 Origins and Evolution -- 5.1.1 Origins -- 5.1.2 Evolution: Substance and Styles -- 5.1.3 Foundations of Stone -- 5.1.4 Reddaway's Method: Eclectic Development -- 5.1.5 Godley: Turbulent Times -- 5.2 End of the Golden Age: The Decade of Discontent -- 5.3 The Trilogy: Discrete Episodes or a Serial Campaign? -- Appendix 5.1: DAE—Finding a Good Home -- References -- 6 Cambridge Economic Policy Group: Beheading a Turbulent Priest -- 6.1 Charged Conjuncture -- 6.1.1 Imbroglios of 1974: Old Versus New Cambridge Versus the Establishment -- 6.1.2 The Enigma of Kahn -- 6.1.3 Kaldor: On Radical Policy Implications of New Cambridge, 1976 -- 6.1.4 Cambridge Squabbles: Spillover into Whitehall? -- 6.1.5 Triggering Crisis: The Pivot of the OPEC Price Hikes -- 6.1.6 1979: Enter Margaret Thatcher, Right-Wing, Upfront -- 6.1.7 The Case of the Odd Consensus: The Letter by 364 Economists, 1981 -- 6.1.8 Thatcher in the Garage of the Federal Reserve -- 6.1.9 1981: Brixton Riots, Toxteth Fires: "A Concentration of Hopelessness" -- 6.1.10 The CEPG: A Thorn in the Thatcher Hide -- 6.1.11 The Bogey of Import Controls and the Spectre of Bennism -- 6.2 SSRC and CEPG: Dispensing Instant Injustice -- 6.2.1 Posner's Parlour -- 6.2.2 Posner's Process -- 6.3 Epilogue -- 6.3.1 Vengeance -- 6.3.2 The Team Scattered -- 6.3.3 The Model Reincarnated -- 6.3.4 The Rehabilitation of Wynne -- 6.3.5 Wynne Godley: 'My Credo' … -- 6.3.6 The Pacification of the CEPG -- Appendix 6.1: Old Cambridge, New Cambridge, 1974: and All the King's Men -- 1. Letter WG to RFK 23 May 1974. JVR/ vii/228/3/3 -- 2. Letter NK to RFK 20 May 1974. JVR/ vii/228/3/14-16 -- 3. Letter from RFK and MP to NK 24 May 1974. JVR/vii/228/3/17-20 -- 4. Letter from RFK and MP to NK 28 May 1974. JVR/vii/228/3/24 -- 5. Letter from FC to RFK 29 May 1974. JVR/7/228/3/25 -- 6. Reply from RFK to FC 6 June 1974. JVR/7/228/3/24 -- 7. In the interim, NK replied to RFK and MP. JVR/7/228/3/26 -- 8. Letter from NK to RFK. RFK/12/2/132/3 -- References -- 7 'Unintended' Collateral Damage? The Cambridge Economic Policy Group and the Joseph-Rothschild-Posner SSRC Enquiry, 1982 -- 7.1 Joseph—Rothschild—Posner—Godley -- 7.2 The Posner-the-Saviour Narrative -- 7.3 Setting Up the Enquiry -- 7.4 Who Proposed Rothschild? -- 7.5 Rothschild Report Writing Process -- 7.6 The Judgement of Rothschild -- 7.7 Between Draft and Release and Response: Handshakes and Cigars -- 7.8 Did Posner Get Away with Just a Change of Name? -- 7.9 CEPG—Collateral Damage? Or, Traded Down the River? -- 7.10 The Rothschild Report: Gleanings on Macroeconomic Modelling -- 7.11 Lord Kaldor—Off the Record, Off the Cuff, Off the Mark? -- 7.12 Lord Harris' Vitriol -- 7.13 Catholicity and Independence -- 7.14 Rothschild's Last Word -- 7.15 Joseph's Last Laugh -- References -- 8 Cambridge Growth Project: Running the Gauntlet -- 8.1 Background and Conjuncture -- 8.1.1 The Decision -- 8.2 Substantive Issues -- 8.2.1 No Innovation? -- 8.2.2 Catholicity, Turnover and the Value of Disaggregation -- 8.2.3 Use of Input-Output Tables -- 8.2.4 CGP Presence in Policy Debates -- 8.2.5 Insularity -- 8.2.6 On Exploiting the Cheap Labour of Graduate Students -- 8.3 Issues of Procedural Probity -- 8.3.1 Shifting Goalposts Across Evaluations -- 8.3.2 Unequal Application of Criterion of Commercial Funding -- 8.3.3 Public Good or Private Resource? -- 8.3.4 ESRC Ignored CGP Model Performance: Why? -- 8.3.5 Compromised 'Independent' Evidence -- 8.4 Other Concerns -- 8.4.1 'Reds'? -- 8.4.2 Crowding Out Competitors? -- 8.4.3 Deadweight Loss of Built-up Intellectual Capital -- 8.4.4 Gratuitously Offensive: Up Close and Out of Order -- 8.4.5 The Consortium: 'Revived Talk of Conspiracy Theory' -- 8.4.6 I.

This paper deals with tracing the origins of Eurocentrism, as well as its consolidation in the form of an Anglo-Saxon ethnocentrism, as the dominant views in the study of International Relations (IR). These approaches have influenced not only the academic discipline but also the very political structure of the international system, ignoring the voices of the peripheral regions outside the European/Anglo-Saxon center. Larry Buzan and Richard Little have thoroughly documented five problems in the study of IR: Eurocentrism, Presentism, Anarchophilia, State-centrism and Ahistoricism. Upon their examination, some scholars have suggested that the geotemporal perspective should be broadened to address the fact that, within our discipline, history has long been viewed as an exogenous, if not superfluous, tool. At best, as Nick Vaugham-Williams argues, it has only served as a quarry from which to extract the facts that have helped shape the theories of the present. If history has been an instrument, used by the dominant ideology to contribute to this Eurocentric paradigm, it is also valid to use it to give voice to all regions of the world, especially those overlooked by the mainstream. Eurocentrism has been deemed a historical epiphenomenon that arose at a time when the great European powers dominated the world almost in its entirety, and that emerged from a very particular point of view around the concepts of modernity that related the birth of the international system with the conditions in which the modern world originated. The theoretical discussion of International Relations, according to Celestino Del Arenal, begins with the first interpretations of international life embodied in classic documents such as Thucydides'Peloponnesian War. However, it will be in the Christian and hegemonic Renaissance of 15th century Europe with its political, philosophical, legal, economic and sociological thought along with the modernization processes, first, and then, the conformation of the current international society when the world scenario opens for the theory of International Relations. Both social reality and theory were conditioned by a civilizing reasoning from the beginning where capitalism and the State were central to the foundation of Westernization. The "founding myth" of the origin of the international system was also conceived as a linear progression of history that moved in successive events and stages until it reached a civilizational apogee. The consolidation as an epistemological paradigm comes from a second historical process: the dominance of the American academy in the study of International Relations at the same time that the hegemony of the United States in world politics was achieved. Stanley Hoffman attributed to the United States the development of the scientific discipline, appropriating it for three causes that came together in the wake of World War II and its rise to world power: an intellectual predisposition based on a realistic academic community, the political context of a democratic government reinforced by sound and critical foundations, and the strength of its institutions, and the "check and balance" system. From this perspective, the discipline suffered a bias towards the political concerns of the United States and the fact of ensuring that the theories available to study these issues were theories that conformed to the American definition of what a social science should be. In addition, we examine the reasons why this ideology is still in force by proposing an all-encompassing alternative that allows the elaboration of "home-made" theories. This document recovers the theory of continuity envisioned by André Gunder Frank, Robert A. Denemark and Barry K. Gills within the hypothesis of the 5,000 year-old international system to propose a humanocentric approach. Such perspective would allow the broadening of our discipline's analytical framework, as suggested by Jacques Derrida, not with the aim of dissolving or destroying it but rather to review the structures on which the discursive elements are based, the way we think, and how we conduct our research. A starting point to enrich this vision is to look into the history of each of the regions of the world trying to find the origins of human interactions and learn from the experience of each one of them in order to answer what truly constitutes the"international". With this comprehensive vision we can rightly build a global and inclusive discipline, improving the dominant conception. The methodology of this article is based on analyzing various documents, focusing particularly on those written outside the traditional European academic center, such as the works of Deniz Kuru, from Turkey, Melody Fonseca, from Puerto Rico, and the opinions of academics from various research centers in Latin America. From this starting point I analyze the differences, similarities and convergences of Eurocentrism and ethnocentrism, then I look at what is considered the consolidation of Eurocentrism into an Anglo-saxon ethnocentric mentality. Consequently, I explore the possibility of a new humanocentrism and propose a new historiography of International Relations in which the historian is able to differentiate between significant and accidental causes. To achieve this, academics must act from their own perspectives, setting aside ideology, any supremacist epistemology, and the conditioned mindset to emancipate their research from these. Therefore, dominant theories such as realism are not the only theoretical framework to understand the history of the international system. Constructivist and Reflexive perspectives that illustrate how other regions contributed to this configuration and of what we know today as the modern civilization should also be taken into account. I conclude that we as researchers must begin to design new forms to collect the historical information coming from all corners of the globe, as Peter Frankopan posits, to deconstruct the IR discipline, expanding regional and inter-regional dialogues, training students to develop a critical eye that can challenge the vision of the mainstream, in order to transform the system towards a better, and more truly global, IR. ; El objetivo en este trabajo es analizar los orígenes del eurocentrismo, así como de su consolidación en la forma de un etnocentrismo anglosajón, como las visiones dominantes en el estudio de Relaciones Internacionales. De igual manera, se revisan las razones por las que esta ideología continúa vigente y por qué estos enfoques han influido no solo en la disciplina académica sino también en la misma estructura política de la sociedad internacional pasando por alto las voces de las regiones periféricas de este centro europeo-anglosajón. Al respecto, en él se hace un análisis introductorio sobre el papel que la Historia ha fungido dentro de la disciplina y la forma en que la corriente principal de esta la ha utilizado, muchas veces, como la cantera desde donde extraer los hechos que han apoyado a conformar las teorías y los paradigmas del presente. La Historia ha sido una herramienta exógena, si no superflua, por mucho tiempo, utilizada por la ideología dominante, que ha contribuido al paradigma eurocentrista. Por lo que en este trabajo se aboga por la ampliación de la perspectiva geotemporal en el análisis y la diversificación de las temáticas en Relaciones Internacionales para darle voz a todas las regiones del mundo. A partir del análisis documental de diversos textos, con especial atención a aquellos escritos fuera del centro académico tradicional europeo, como los trabajos de Deniz Kuru, de Turquía, Melody Fonseca, de Puerto Rico, y las opiniones de académicos de diversos centros de investigación en América Latina, se propone en este artículo reconstruir la disciplina, como lo sugiere Jacques Derrida, no con el objetivo de disolverla o destruirla, sino el de analizar las estructuras sobre las que se basa el elemento discursivo, la manera en la que pensamos, la perspectiva desde donde analizamos. Un punto de partida para enriquecer esta visión es la de buscar en la historia de cada una de las regiones del mundo los orígenes de las interacciones humanas, qué nos puede decir la historia de cada región sobre su propia experiencia internacional para así darnos cuenta que, como Aristóteles lo dijo, el ser humano es por naturaleza, un ser político y que lo internacional está intrínsecamente ligado a la naturaleza humana. Con esta visión humanocentrista, podemos reconstruir acertadamente una disciplina global e inclusiva, sumándola a la concepción dominante y perfeccionándola en unas Relaciones Internacionales con un conocimiento holístico de la sociedad internacional, dando pauta a elaboraciones teóricas "hechas en casa".

Are we close to face what some researchers and politicians call a "war for water as a resource"? The ideas around this topic are divided. We think that external factors, such as climate change and unequal distribution of the resource, will create conditions and pressures that are pressing perceptions and will be eventually affecting political behavior that will lead to war. Others agree that there are changes in the political landscape. However, when we look at different resources, we have to consider that they present a different dynamic affecting in alternative form the political behavior of the actor related to specific resources. War is not a consequence of the resource necessity and access problem. Resource wars are related to external factors like opportunity and power asymmetries, among others. In the case of water, if we consider the scarcity problem, the technological change and the capacity to create institutional ways to regulate its use, we can avoid the worst consequences of the resources race. As far as the previous sentence establishes, access and necessity could be the channeling cause of conflict. However, we will find the root of it in another part of the rivalry dynamic as the conflict for the Golan Heights shows. The present work tries to put in perspective the preceding discussion to clarify the current dynamics around different types of natural resources. To do that, we must start discussing what "Strategic Natural Resources (SNR)" are and also their role in geopolitical terms, to understand how they affect the political calculus around them. Resource discussions about policies, conflicts, and politics use mainly a realist approach, because it is all about use, availability, and scarcity. Security is an essential topic around them, but in the case of water, perspectives are a little bit different. We should consider Hydropolitics as a topic within the geopolitical field of studies. In that sense, it shows how different is the dynamics around water, and even if many conflicts of interest are around it, political action most of the time is not to fight over it in the sense of going to war. We will see tensions but no war. A war over water is considered awful for everyone, so it is more useful to try to channel the conflict to a more productive arena. In that sense, the creation of regimes, norms, and treaties around a shared river, underground water deposit, sustainable use, and others will be the most critical aspects of policy coordination around those who have a dispute over it. Moreover, we will see others trying to assist major partners in managing the problems that its uses generate. Policymakers look at social and economic considerations about to ignite a war over water, so that they are able to prevent it, because acts as a political barrier most of the time. The objectives of the present article are twofold, and they are interrelated. The first one is to advance in the discussion around which ones and how natural resources become a problem that could lead to war. Geopolitics and Realist Theory are the best tools to have a comprehensive picture of the resources play as a factor in war. It is doing that we can tackle the issue of war for water, which is a different thing than a conflict over water. When we look at security considerations, realism think that resources are a contributing factor to the balance of power, but do not affect the security dilemma. When we look at the accumulative power of water as a resource, we will find "neutral" in the sense that does not affect the fragile balance of power among potential rivals. On the other hand, the second objective of the article is different but associated. Water is a slightly different kind of SNR. Not only does it create conflict, but it also creates rivalries among those who perceive that they are going to face access problems to the resource; while at the same time, it does not push to resolve the situation violently, primarily in interstate conflict. A little bit more intense is the conflict around the resource when we look specific countries, but the difference in how they are solved is looking at the state capacity. If in interstate conflict, its accumulation is neutral, in an internal conflict, the accumulation power could be positive or negative, affecting the internal balance, creating more space for internal war. As a methodology, we use a descriptive and qualitative analysis of previously published works with the recent data around the issue to create a bright and differentiated view when we discuss war for water resources. Water is not the best case to argue in favor of views that emphasize a world prone to war. Moreover, we can say that there are fewer incentives to go to war for water than other resources. But the reader should be aware that the kind of insight we extract should not lead to develop a liberal approach to water governance. A realist approach to finite cooperation it is more useful to maintain stability. Water is strategic and related to territoriality, so identity considerations apply to hydropolitics, so states are important stakeholders in this issue. Nevertheless, we can think that some tension could arise between neighbors who share it. Much more difficult is a Great power taking steps into war for water. If they need it, they can buy their access to it. Even so, internally, the states could face conflicts around it. This difference is significant because we put too much time to talk and think about the international dimension of the problem when we should look at the internal dimension of it. With these in mind, the international discussion around water will be different and possibly better. consider, for example, the water contamination as a result of corporate activities. Neighbor states create a regime to overlook how, when and in which degree they pollute the shared resource. They establish limits around the river and coastal activities, they enforce it, and they get in around the table to deal with previous unconsidered situations. Furthermore, when differences arise, they stick to their commitments, even when the military balance is in favor of one part. We will divide the following article into three short and related discussions. The first part sets out to put in perspective the discussion around conflict and resources, giving water the specific place that it deserves. The second part turns around the geopolitics due location, availability, and scarcity are at the center of the discussion. Within this section, we will put the hydropolitics view to talk about the use of water. That is important because we will end our discussion looking at the differences between this resource and the others, for example, energy. With that in mind, this article serves as an introductory reading around how we think, act, and develop policy related to natural resources, showing that war is not the only possible result in resource competition. ; La idea del agua como recurso natural estratégico de la política internacional no es nueva, sin embargo desde la primera decada del presente siglo, el acceso a la misma ha cobrado especial intensidad. El presente paper pone en valor la idea de agua como recurso mediante el concepto de "Hidropolítica", al separar el mito de las llamadas "guerras por el agua" de la realidad geopolitica que trasunta al recurso. Al enfatizar en la dinámica conflictiva y en especial en la aspiración de las grandes potencias para hacerse del recurso, dejan marginada la discusion al entender del autor mas apremiante, que es identificar como el recurso afecta los procesos de la politica regional y global de manera diferenciada a partir de ponderaciones completamente distintas entre los actores alrededor del recurso. Al mirar al agua, y siguiendo las premisas del realismo, existe una mayor probabilidad que se produzcan conflictos en torno a la misma a partir del uso compartido, que por la intervención directa de un actor extraregional para tomar el control de la misma. El presente trabajo tiene por objetivo, discutir cuando un RNE es considerado factor de conflicto armado ya sea inter o intraestratal, para luego trasladar esa dinamica a la hidropolitica a los efectos si su importancia relativa hace o no que la dinamica en torno a ella sea diferente a la que existe alrededor de otros recursos. En este sentido esperamos demostrar al menos en las discusiones existentes y con la evidencia que muestra el relevamiento sobre lo reflexionado al respecto, es que en relación al agua, la potencialidad existente por los juegos de suma cero, parecen ceder su lugar a construir regimenes internacionales que administren o encapsulen el conflicto. Si en un período determinado aparecen lecturas o percepciones que hacen temer por un futuro donde la escaces provoque conflictos, el cambio tecnológico y la arquitectura institucional permite contemplar un espacio para la resolución de las divergencias que puedan surgir, sin que "la sangre llegue al rio".

Esta publicación especial de revista Persona y Sociedad, volumen XXX, número 2, está dedicada al filósofo canadiense Charles Taylor, uno de los pensadores más importantes de la actualidad, reconocido durante la última década con los premios más destacados del mundo en el área de las humanidades como son el Kyoto, el Templeton, el John W. Kluge y, recientemente, el Berggruen Prize for Philosophy. El pasado mes de noviembre, Taylor cumplió 85 años de edad, lo que nos ofrece la ocasión de repensar, a modo de homenaje, algunas de sus principales contribuciones a la filosofía y las ciencias sociales en general. Taylor nace en Montreal, provincia de Quebec, en el seno de una familia bilingüe, con un padre anglófono protestante y una madre francófona católica, en un contexto bicultural, lo cual permite acercarse a comprender uno de los rasgos más distintivos de su personalidad: su incesante búsqueda mediante el diálogo reflexivo de un entendimiento entre la diversidad de individuos y grupos humanos que coexisten en nuestras sociedades modernas. Los eventos históricos que le tocó presenciar en su larga vida –el nazismo, fascismo y estalinismo de los años treinta y cuarenta del siglo pasado, la Guerra Fría o el terrorismo después del 11 de septiembre de 2001– agregaron quizás una sensación de urgencia a esta búsqueda humanística y filosófica, la que fue cobrando a lo largo de su trayectoria como pensador, pedagogo y político un carácter cada vez más concreto y orientado hacia la práctica. La lectura de Taylor no deja tan solo un 'gustito' intelectual, sino la sensación de que sus ideas están compenetradas de la realidad y que, de ser tomadas en serio, podrían hacer incluso mucho bien. Indudablemente, algunos libros y encuentros humanos marcaron un antes y un después en su vida. Después de estudiar historia en la Universidad de McGill en Montreal, Taylor se fue a Oxford a estudiar filosofía, política y economía, pero el ambiente pospositivista allí reinante rápidamente lo ahogó. Cierto día, un amigo le recomendó leer a Merleau-Ponty y se le abrió un mundo. Fue el punto de partida de un esfuerzo intelectual propio, el que intentó desde el comienzo construir un puente entre la tradición analítica anglosajona y la filosofía continental, por un lado, y entre la filosofía y las ciencias sociales, por el otro. Entre los encuentros determinantes en la biografía de nuestro autor no está solo Merleau-Ponty, a cuyas impecables lecciones asistió en París, sino también otros nombres célebres como el de sus maestros y luego colegas Isaiah Berlin y Elizabeth Anscombe. La impresionante trayectoria de Taylor como intelectual –sin pretender mencionar siquiera su faceta como político en esta breve presentación–, que comienza hacia fines de la década de 1950 y se consolida con la publicación de su primer libro The Explanation of Behaviour (1964), no se ha visto interrumpida hasta el día de hoy. El año 2016 vio la luz el último de sus libros, The Language Animal, una obra donde sistematiza y amplía sus reflexiones en torno al lenguaje como elemento constitutivo del ser humano. En estos más de cincuenta años de trabajo, Taylor se ha enfrentado con los pensadores más distinguidos de su generación, entre los que se cuentan Thomas Kuhn, Clifford Geertz, Michel Foucault, Jürgen Habermas, Alasdair MacIntyre o Richard Rorty. Estos mismos nombres de por sí ya indican la diversidad de disciplinas en las que Taylor ha penetrado hasta dominarlas: filosofía de la ciencia y epistemología, antropología, sociología, ética, teoría política, por nombrar solo algunas. La presente publicación quisiera dar testimonio de al menos una parte de los variados intereses y preocupaciones que recorren la obra del pensador canadiense aquí homenajeado. Mimi Bick abre el número con una presentación muy aclaratoria del reciente libro de Taylor, coescrito junto a Hubert Dreyfus, Retrieving Realism (2015), todavía no editado en castellano. Como muestra Bick en su artículo, esta obra no solamente permite caracterizar en detalle la crítica tayloriana a la tradición epistemológica iniciada con Descartes, así como su propia concepción del conocimiento humano, sino que presenta además la ocasión para "explorar algunos temas recurrentes en la obra de Taylor, y que constituyen los elementos centrales de su antropología filosófica", como son por ejemplo la centralidad del lenguaje como comunidad de sentido y la interpretación en el ser humano. En tanto la reivindicación de esta antropología filosófica ha sido identificada por el mismo Taylor como el centro de sus desvelos, es este un buen lugar para comenzar. Este holismo hermenéutico, por llamarlo de alguna manera, se verá reflejado también en los escritos políticos y sociales del autor. Renato Cristi y Antonio Correa exploran aspectos centrales de la filosofía política de Taylor, desde su 'tesis social' (republicana) como condición de posibilidad de una sociedad libre y autogobernada, hasta su concepción positiva de la libertad y la validez de las nociones de justicia distributiva y bien común. Este entronque 'comunitario' de su pensamiento, si bien incompatible con el neoliberalismo de la actualidad, sí hace posible una complementariedad entre el republicanismo y un liberalismo bien entendido, complementariedad que aparece implícita en su análisis de la justicia distributiva y explícitamente en su libro The Malaise of Modernity (1992), en donde distingue una vertiente igualitaria del liberalismo. Sobre este cuadro más amplio de la filosofía política tayloriana, mi contribución a este número consiste en una reconstrucción del concepto de democracia del autor, el que busca compatibilizar el ideal del autogobierno ciudadano, por un lado, con el pluralismo y el lugar para el disenso propio de las sociedades liberales modernas, por el otro. Los aportes más recientes de Taylor a la teoría de la democracia resaltan además el hecho de que tal como existirían 'modernidades múltiples', tenemos que aceptar distintas formas democráticas en el mundo, coloreadas en cada lado por las culturas tradicionales y la historia (política) particular de la sociedad de que se trate. Pero las instituciones del autogobierno democrático son impensables dentro del imaginario moderno sin la existencia de la esfera pública. Distanciándose de un liberalismo puramente formal y apoyándose en las nociones hegelianas de Sittlichkeit (vida ética) y Anerkennung (reconocimiento), Miguel Yaksic nos presenta a un Taylor que imagina la esfera pública de las sociedades modernas como ese lugar donde diferentes concepciones de lo bueno y lo bello –con raíces fuertemente teológicas en muchos casos– dialogan y se permean mutuamente. En efecto, según Taylor las tres grandes fuentes de las que se alimenta la identidad moderna son la base teísta, el naturalismo de la razón desvinculada (ilustración) y el expresivismo romántico. Yaksic muestra cómo muchos de los bienes constitutivos de la modernidad, como la igualdad, la libertad, la tolerancia, la solidaridad y la convicción en los derechos universales exhiben una raigambre fuertemente cristiana. A pesar de todas las afinidades que se puedan suponer entre las filosofías neohegelianas del reconocimiento de Taylor y Honneth –o quizás precisamente debido a esta suposición–, Mauro Basaure nos previene en su detallado estudio contra una asimilación apresurada de ambas posturas. La ampliación del liberalismo que ejecuta Taylor va más allá del desglose honnethiano del concepto de reconocimiento en distintas esferas referidas por otro lado siempre al sujeto individual, en tanto nos invita a captar la posibilidad e importancia de una valoración de las distintas culturas e identidades colectivas existentes y de la defensa de sus derechos. La ausencia en Honneth de una 'política de la diferencia', en el contexto de sociedades cada vez más multiculturales como las actuales, queda consignada por Basaure como una seria deuda del pensador alemán, al tiempo que se resalta por contraste la atingencia del marco conceptual del filósofo canadiense. Finalmente, en este número se incluye una reseña de Esteban Torres sobre el libro de Hartmut Rosa titulado Social Accceleration. A New Theory of Modernity, editado en 2013. Quiero manifestar mi agradecimiento al director de la revista Persona y Sociedad, así como a los colaboradores del número por su interés y compromiso para con este proyecto.

Die vorliegende Arbeit beschäftigt sich mit Edelmetallarbeiten, die aus skythischen Bestattungen des nördlichen Schwarzmeergebiets stammen. Ausgangspunkt für die Untersuchungen bilden die Funde aus dem Solocha-Kurgan, der in den Jahren 1912/13 von dem russischen Archäologen N.I. Veselovskij ausgegraben wurde. Nach einem einleitenden Kapitel zur allgemeinen Forschungsgeschichte der sogenannten graeco-skythischen Toreutik wird im zweiten Kapitel der Solocha-Kurgan vorgestellt. Von den beiden Katakombengräbern, die Veselovskij öffnete, datiert die zentrale Bestattung in die Zeit um 400 v. Chr., das Seitengrab um 370 v. Chr. Aufgrund der Beraubung der zentralen Bestattung steht vor allem die reiche Beigabenausstattung der ungestörten seitlichen Katakombe im Vordergrund der Betrachtung. In Einzeluntersuchungen werden die Edelmetallarbeiten – der berühmte Kamm, Gefäße und Prunkwaffen - zunächst im Kontext ihrer jeweiligen Gattung betrachtet. Hierfür werden die Stücke jeder Gattung vorgestellt und das jeweilige Objekt aus dem Solocha-Kurgan vor diesem Hintergrund diskutiert. Zur Veranschaulichung dienen tabellarische Zusammenstellungen von Gefäßausstattungen und Prunkwaffen in skythischen Bestattungen des 5. – 4. Jhs. v. Chr. Die Gesamtbetrachtung zeigt, dass sich einige der Edelmetallfunde aus dem Solocha-Kurgan gut in die allgemeine Entwicklung der Edelmetallbeigaben in skythischen Bestattungen einfügen. Dazu gehören die importierten Silbergefäße, die mit Appliken versehenen Holzschalen sowie das Trinkhorn aus der seitlichen Katakombe. Auch der dort gefundene Prunkakinakes besitzt Vorgänger im skythischen Material. Ein Novum hinsichtlich Form und Dekor stellen dagegen der berühmte Goldkamm, die kugeligen Silberflaschen, die Silberschalen mit den segmentförmigen Griffen sowie der großformatige Silberbeschlag des Goryts aus der Seitenbestattung dar. Obwohl sie teilweise an frühere Formen anknüpfen, stellen sie eigenständige Gestaltungen dar. Aufgrund figürlicher Darstellungen im Stil des sogenannten ethnographischen Realismus können einige Stücke enger zusammengeschlossen werden und sind wohl als Erzeugnisse einer einzelnen Auftragsarbeit zu deuten. Aufgrund der fehlenden Vorläufer ist es eher unwahrscheinlich, dass diese Arbeiten von einem Skythen in Auftrag gegeben werden konnten. Die anfangs noch geringe Anzahl derartiger Objekte spricht darüber hinaus auch gegen eine Interpretation als Handelsware. Da analog zur Verbreitung der späteren Erzeugnisse graeco-skythischer Toreutik von einer Fertigung im Bosporanischen Reich - am ehesten in Pantikapaion - ausgegangen werden kann, scheint folgende Erklärung am plausibelsten: Die Prunkobjekte aus dem Solocha-Kurgan stellen "politische" Geschenke dar, die der bosporanische Herrscher Leukon I. (389/88-349/48 v. Chr.) in Auftrag gab und an einen skythischen Verbündeten übermittelte. Dementsprechend wären die in den Darstellungen gegeneinander kämpfenden Skythen als Verbündete und Gegner des Bosporanischen Reiches zu erklären. Als Grundlage für die Bearbeitung der einzelnen toreutischen Werke dient ein ausführlich kommentierter Katalog der Fundkomplexe, aus denen die Objekte stammen. Hierbei gibt der Bestattungszeitraum einen ersten Anhaltspunkt für die Datierung der Edelmetallarbeiten, weiter können aus ihrer Lage innerhalb der Bestattung und der Vergesellschaftung mit anderen Fundstücken Rückschlüsse auf ihre Funktion gezogen werden. Daneben wurde für die einzelnen Gegenstände ein Objektkatalog getrennt nach Gattungen angelegt, in dem der Aufbewahrungsort sowie Maße, Datierung, Beschreibung und Literatur angegeben sind. ; Scythian Gold in greek style : Studies on northpontic toreutics based on the vessels and armament from the Solokha-Kurgan The thesis deals with gold and silver objects which were found in Scythian kurgans of the northern Black Sea region. In the focus stand the finds from the Solokha Kurgan which was excavated in 1912/13 by the Russian archaeologist N.I. Veselovskij. An introductory chapter deals with the history of research on the so called Graeco-Scythian toreutics, the Solokha Kurgan is presented in the second chapter. Under the burial mound Veselovskij opened two catacomb graves; the central burial is dated to the end of the 5 th century BC, the second grave in the south west part of the kurgan to about 370 BC. Because the central tomb was almost entirely robbed, the attention is directed particularly on the rich grave goods from the undisturbed lateral catacomb. In individual studies the different objects - the different vessels, the well known comb and the decorative weapons – are first seen in the context of their respective genres (chap. 2-4). For this purpose, the pieces for each genre are described in chronological order and the particular object from the Solokha Kurgan is discussed against this background. Tabular compilations illustrate the equipment of Scythian burials of the 5th and 4th century BC with vessels and weapons made of precious metals. The overall analysis shows that some of the finds from the Solokha Kurgan fit well into the general development of precious grave goods in Scythian burials. This refers to the imported silver vessels, the wooden bowls with gold appliques and the drinking horn from the side catacomb. Also the akinakes which was found there has predecessors in Scythian finds. However, a novelty in form and decoration represent the gold comb, the spherical silver bottles, the silver bowls with the segment-shaped handles and the large-sized silver overlay of the gorytos from the side funeral. Although these things are linked in part to earlier scythian forms, they represent new created designs. Some of the pieces can be grouped together because of their figural representations in the style of the so-called ethnographic realism; probably they have to be interpreted as the products of a single commission. Due to the lack of precursors, it is unlikely that these pieces were ordered by a Scythian noble. The initially small number of such objects also speaks against an interpretation as normal trade goods. By analogy with the spread of the somewhat later objects of Graeco-Scythian toreutics a production in the Bosporan kingdom - most likely in Pantikapaion - can be expected. So the following explanation seems to be most plausible: The precious metal objects from the Solokha-Kurgan probably were "political" gifts which Leukon I., the ruler of the Bosporan kingdom from 389/88 to 349/48 BC commissioned and gave to a Scythian ally. Accordingly, the fighting Scythians of the battle scenes of the comb and the gorytos overlay are to be interpreted as allies and opponents of the Bosporan Kingdom. As basis for the study serves a detailed annotated catalogue of scythian burial mounds from which the objects originated. The funeral date gives a first hint at the dating of the objects of precious metals; their position within the burials and the combination with other finds provide clues to their function. In a second catalogue the gold and silver objects are described with measurements, dating, and literature. (Translation: A. Wieland/G. Wahl) ; Or scythe dans un style grec : Recherches sur la toreutique des régions du Pont-Euxin septentrional: les offrandes funéraires du kourgane de Solokha Cette étude aborde les oeuvres en métal précieux provenant des sépultures scythes du littoral nord de la Mer Noire. Les trouvailles du kourgane de Solokha, qui fut fouillé en 1912-13 par l'archéologue russe N.I. Veselovskij, en constituent le point de départ. L'introduction dresse l'état de la recherche dans le domaine de la toreutique « gréco-scythe ». Elle est suivie d'un chapitre présentant le kourgane de Solokha dont deux tombes furent mises au jour par Veselovskij : la sépulture principale, située au milieu du kourgane et datée des environs de 400 av. J.- C., et la sépulture latérale, datée vers 370 av. J.-C. C'est le riche mobilier métallique de la seconde sépulture - trouvée intacte, contrairement à la première qui était violée- qui est ici présenté en détail. Les objets en métal précieux du kourgane de Solokha – le fameux peigne, la vaisselle et les armes d'apparat – sont étudiés au sein de leurs catégories typologiques. Confrontée aux pièces du même genre qui sont également discutées, chaque oeuvre est ainsi placée dans son contexte typologique. La présentation est complétée par des tableaux synthétiques regroupant les vases et les armes d'apparat accompagnant des sépultures scythes des Ve et IVe siècles av. J.-C. Cette vue d'ensemble montre que certains parmi les objets en métal précieux du kourgane de Solokha s'insèrent bien dans l'évolution générale des offrandes funéraires luxueuses trouvées dans des sépultures scythes : la vaisselle d'argent importée, les vases à boire en bois décorés d'appliques ainsi que le rhyton de la tombe latérale en font partie tout comme l'akinakès précieux de la même sépulture, qui a des antécédents au sein du matériel scythe. En revanche, le célèbre peigne d'or et les objets en argent, tels les vases à panse sphérique, les coupes à anses arrondies et le grand revêtement de goryte de la tombe latérale sont nouveaux autant pour leur forme que pour leur décor. Tout en restant en partie rattachées à des formes antérieures, ces oeuvres témoignent d'un caractère original. En raison de leurs compositions figurées dans un style connu sous le nom de « réalisme ethnographique », certaines oeuvres peuvent être regroupées dans un ensemble restreint et doivent être issues d'une seule commande. Cependant, l'absence d'antécédents rend leur association avec un commanditaire scythe peu probable. Par ailleurs, le nombre à l'origine limité de ce type d'objets empêche de les interpréter comme des produits de commerce. Au contraire, la large diffusion des plus récentes créations de la toreutique « gréco-scythe » laisse présumer une fabrication locale, dans le royaume du Bosphore – plus probablement à Pantikapaion. Ainsi, l'hypothèse suivante semble la plus plausible pour expliquer ce phénomène : les oeuvres luxueuses du kourgane de Solokha représenteraient des cadeaux diplomatiques que le roi du Bosphore Leukon Ier (389/88-349/48 av. J.-C.) aurait commandités afin de les offrir à un de ses alliés scythes. A cet égard, les Scythes en combat figurant dans les scènes représentées devraient être interprétés comme des alliés et des ennemis du royaume du Bosphore. Le recensement des sépultures et des ensembles funéraires sous forme de catalogue commenté est fourni à l'appui des arguments avancés au sujet du mobilier toreutique. Ainsi, les datations proposées pour une sépulture livrent un premier indice pour la datation des objets en métal précieux qui l'accompagnaient, tandis que leur emplacement à l'intérieur de la tombe tout comme leur relation aux autres offrandes permettent de mieux cerner leur fonction. Un second catalogue regroupe les objets classés par genre avec les informations sur le lieu de leur conservation, leurs dimensions, la datation, la description et la bibliographie. (Traduction : K. Charatzopoulou)