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"Based on years of archival work and fieldwork, Climate Politics on the Border distinctly demonstrates why ecological and anticolonial approaches to rhetoric are essential for grappling with climate politics. The book argues persuasively for treating climate and environmental justice through ecology and decoloniality, and it provides rich theoretical language, methodological innovations, and practical insight for engaging these intersections through local climate politics"--

"Based on years of archival work and fieldwork, Climate Politics on the Border distinctly demonstrates why ecological and anticolonial approaches to rhetoric are essential for grappling with climate politics. The book argues persuasively for treating climate and environmental justice through ecology and decoloniality, and it provides rich theoretical language, methodological innovations, and practical insight for engaging these intersections through local climate politics"--

The geographies of the American nations are extremely varied and give rise to different problems of develop ment not only as between the United States and Latin America but also as between the Latin-American countries themselves. Generally, the United States has had a frontier more amenable to settlement and development along democratic lines—on the bases of equality and individual initiative—than any of the Latin-American countries. In Latin America, land and agri culture remain organized much as they had been in colonial days. Trade has consisted of raw-material exports and manu factured imports. Industrialization has begun, but supported by foreign capital. A middle class, so long nonexistent, has developed, but it has followed the liberal professions in num bers disproportionate to the need for such services. The polit ical pattern of bureaucratic caesarism—already existing on the bases of the predominance of great landed estates, undeveloped industry, the paternalistic state, and the absence of new areas of individual opportunity—has been intensified by the de mands of the professional middle class for suitable positions. The development of Latin-American countries depends upon corrective co-operation between the governments and the people to bring about agrarian reform, urban renewal and development, education, and industrialization. Prompt action, particularly in agrarian reform, can enhance the stability of democratic regimes.—Ed.

The Politics of Justification is an investigation of welfare retrenchment in Denmark and the Netherlands, 1982-1998. Welfare retrenchment is politically highly controversial, but still governments do retrench. This book argues that governments can implement retrenchment if they can achieve a party political consensus allowing them to frame retrenchment in a way that makes it seems justified to the electorate. In the Netherlands, such a consensus emerged in the mid 1980s due to the power of the CDA. It has allowed Dutch government to implement a number of welfare retrenchments. In Denmark, a consensus did not emerge until the Social Democratic Party re-entered government in 1993 explaining why the Danish welfare state has seen less retrenchment than the Dutch one. With its focus on the strategies of the political parties, the book differs from many other studies of the subject focusing on the role of political institutions.

With the 1992 NHS reforms and the introduction of the internal market a new political game has begun where, for the first time, the rationing of the supply of health care to make it fit unlimited demand is the explicit responsibility of purchasing agents (DHAs, FHSAs and GP Fundholders). This paper analyses the inherent clash between purchaser rationing and traditional NHS values, the unbridled pluralism of the gameplay surrounding the purchaser function, and the absence of accepted rules and procedures. It concludes by reviewing the implication of the reforms for the distribution of power in the NHS.

"Flexible time" as a myth in platform labor has been destructed by critical media scholars. However, while previous studies have answered the question of what platform time "isn't," most failed to go further in analyzing what "it is." Based on the 6-month fieldwork, this study aims to re-construct the temporal politics of platform labor in the online food delivery industry in China. Specifically, we employ an inherently relational perspective to analyze three differential temporal themes constructed by heterogeneous actors, namely the "daily time" by third-party subcontractor, "event time" by platform, and "poaching time" by rider. In the investigation of multiple temporalities, this article also uncovers the asymmetrical "relational balancing" among heterogeneous actors in platform labor.

Among the problems confronting the developing countries, rural reform has received increasing attention from a variety of social scientists. There are several reasons for this new emphasis. In the pasts decade most of the struggles for independence have ended and the newly formed nations are beginning to focus on the complex issues of political integration and economic growth. Few areas reflect this change as dramatically as the Maghreb.

This article uses the case of post-2010 Hungary to investigate the ways in which the concomitant trends of mobility, migration, and demographic decline may intersect to both challenge and bolster the discourses and policies of nationalist, populist governments in Central and Eastern Europe today. Using an expanded conception of "divided nationhood," it explores the tensions and continuities in the Hungarian government's populist discourse of protecting the nation as it is projected onto different national populations: Hungarians within Hungary, Hungarian emigrants, and Hungarian minorities in neighboring countries. While fears of migration and population decline provide useful fuel for the particular brand of populist nationalism we see in places like Hungary, the ability of leaders to offer a coherent and effective narrative of protection for the nation becomes significantly more complex when there are multiple internal and external populations to protect. The article highlights the strategies that the FIDESZ government has employed in order to (1) mobilize antimigrant rhetoric while marginalizing Hungarian emigrants; (2) respond to demographic deficiencies while supporting a conservative, populist narrative; and (3) maintain its access to symbolic, political, and demographic resources within the Hungarian minority communities. These strategies include a discursive reconceptualization of migration as something that comes only from outside Europe, the use of social and economic policies to selectively privilege key segments of the nation and exclude others, and the creation of a regional Hungarian nation with Budapest at the center.

Describes how chemical industry lobbying has delayed US Senate approval of the treaty to ban chemical weapons, in spite of widespread public and political support for ratification; US.

Scholars have focused on how the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) facilitates Chinese economic statecraft and its likely impact on the global order. A common thread thereby is how connectivity through China's construction of physical infrastructures (e.g. ports, roads, railways) represents a source of power. However, such a focus on physical infrastructures obscures the importance of BRI-related financial infrastructures. Addressing this gap, this article analyses the construction of Chinese financial infrastructures along the BRI as an exercise of economic statecraft within the context of the liberal, US-dominated global financial order. The article traces the activities of China's state-owned exchanges as crucial actors that facilitate financial connectivity by enabling investment into BRI projects (investment opportunities), bringing Chinese investors into BRI markets (investors structure) and gradually shaping how these markets work (investment rules). First, I analyse three individual countries (Pakistan, Kazakhstan and Bangladesh) as examples of 'bilateral' and 'offensive' statecraft. Second, I analyse an emerging China-centred global network of financial infrastructures as exercise of 'systemic' and 'defensive' statecraft that shields China's foreign policy objectives (i.e. BRI) from global pressures, potentially creating a parallel system of capital markets with Chinese characteristics. Beyond BRI, I therefore argue for including financial infrastructures more thoroughly into International Relations (IR)/International Political Economy (IPE) scholarship as important object of analysis.