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The decade of the 1960s could well be termed the First Economic Integration Decade in Latin America. During this period the republics of Latin America experienced a "collective awakening," inspiring an environment in which superficial and exclusivist values gave way to pragmatic and cooperative attitudes. Economic alliances were formed among neighbors, predicated on the rationale that, by joining forces in the spirit of cooperation and applying an ecumenical approach to common problems, each of the participating countries would be better off than pursuing a strictly autarkic course (see Figure 1).The initial effort at integration was the Central American Common Market (CACM), formed in late 1960 and including all the countries of Central America except Panama.1 That same year, the Latin American Free Trade Association (LAFTA) was created and, measured in terms of territory and population, represented the most significant economic cooperative. A third grouping was the Caribbean Free Trade Association (CARIFTA), established in 1968 as an agreement among eleven British Commonwealth nations and territories.

Regional challenges faced by Latin American and Caribbean countries (LACs) to fight dementia, such as heterogeneity, diversity, political instabilities, and socioeconomic disparities, can be addressed more effectively grounded in a collaborative setting based on the open exchange of knowledge. In this work, the Latin American and Caribbean Consortium on Dementia (LAC-CD) proposes an agenda for integration to deliver a Knowledge to Action Framework (KtAF). First, we summarize evidence-based strategies (epidemiology, genetics, biomarkers, clinical trials, nonpharmacological interventions, networking and translational research) and align them to current global strategies to translate regional knowledge into actions with transformative power. Then, by characterizing genetic isolates, admixture in populations, environmental factors, and barriers to effective interventions and mapping these to the above challenges, we provide the basic mosaics of knowledge that will pave the way towards a KtAF. We describe strategies supporting the knowledge creation stage that underpins the translational impact of KtAF.

This article contributes to the study of party regulation in contemporary Latin America in two main ways. Firstly, it identifies a so far overlooked process by which four countries (Argentina, Colombia, Mexico and Peru) raised party-formation costs in the past decade, an unprecedented process in third-wave Latin American democracies. Secondly, it offers a tentative answer to the question of why this process took place in this specific set of countries. This answer brings to the fore the issues of political parties' legitimacy and party fragmentation as sources of electoral reform. The article argues that the countries that passed these reforms are those in which the ruling political elites perceived increasing levels of fragmentation as a result of previous reforms that had opened up the political system. These prior reforms were enacted as a response to established parties' loss of legitimacy. The findings support the more general distinction between reforms initiated due to legitimacy crises and reforms resulting from changing balances of power. In this way the article also contributes to the broader debate on the factors that explain different types of electoral reforms in Latin America.

This book assesses financing strategies in Latin America and the Caribbean, in pursuance of the United Nations' millennium development goals (MDGs) and their achievement in 2015. It looks at how to make public policies more conducive to support sustained growth and reduce the still widespread poverty and inequality in the region.

Infrastructure investment is a central part of the stimulus plans of the Latin American and the Caribbean (LAC) region as it confronts the growing financial crisis. This article estimates the potential effects on direct, indirect and induced employment for different types of infrastructure projects with LAC-specific variables. The analysis finds that the direct and indirect short-term employment generation potential of infrastructure capital investment projects may be considerable—averaging around 40,000 annual jobs per US$ 1billion in LAC, depending upon such variables as the mix of sub-sectors in the investment programme; the technologies deployed; local wages for skilled and unskilled labour; and the degrees of leakages to imported inputs. While these numbers do not account for a substitution effect, they are built around an assumed 'basket' of investments that crosses infrastructure sectors most of which are not employment-maximising. Albeit limited in scope, rural road maintenance projects may employ 200,000 to 500,000 annualised direct jobs for every US$ 1billion spent. The article also describes the potential risks to effective infrastructure investment in an environment of crisis including sorting and planning contradictions, delayed implementation and impact, affordability and corruption.

AbstractThis paper explores the inequality of numeracy and education by studying school years and numeracy of the rich and poor, as well as of tall and short individuals. To estimate numeracy, the age-heaping method is used for the 18thto early 20thcenturies. Testing the hypothesis that globalization might have increased the inequality of education, we find evidence that 19thcentury globalization actually increased inequality in Latin America, but 20thcentury globalization had positive effects by reducing educational inequality in a broader sample of developing countries. Moreover, we find strong evidence for Kuznets's inverted U hypothesis, that is, rising educational inequality with GDP per capita in the period until 1913 and the opposite after 1945.

Latin American governments swiftly implemented income assistance programs to sustain families' livelihoods during COVID-19 stay-at-home orders. This paper analyzes the potential coverage and generosity of these measures and assesses the suitability of current safety nets to deal with unexpected negative income shocks in 10 Latin American countries. The expansion of pre-existing programs (most notably conditional cash transfers and non-contributory pensions) during the COVID-19 crisis was generally insufficient to compensate for the inability to work among the poorest segments of the population. When COVID-19 ad hoc programs are analyzed, the coverage and replacement rates of regular labor income among households in the first quintile of the country's labor income distribution increase substantially. Yet, these programs present substantial coverage challenges among families composed of fundamentally informal workers who are non-poor, but are at a high risk of poverty. These results highlight the limitations of the fragmented nature of social protection systems in the region.

La pandemia de coronavirus se ha extendido por todo el mundo y América Latina no ha estado exenta de sus impactos sanitarios, económicos y sociales. El cierre de la economía, como resultado de una combinación de medidas estrictas (autocuarentenas, cierres obligatorios, capacidad limitada en tiendas, fábricas y oficinas, cierres de fronteras, etc.), está teniendo un profundo impacto económico y social. En el mercado laboral, ha conmocionado tanto a la oferta como a la demanda. Dentro de los hogares, ha tenido como resultado un aumento de la carga de trabajo no remunerado, lo que supone una carga desproporcionada para las mujeres y reduce aún más el tiempo que pueden dedicar a actividades productivas. Los impactos y la profundidad de la crisis se sienten de manera diferente ya que pueden ampliar las brechas de género existentes. En este artículo, los autores exploran los impactos de la crisis en el empleo en dieciséis países de la región. Además, analizan los impactos de género a través de cuatro lentes: los jóvenes, las personas en situación de pobreza, las personas que viven en zonas rurales y los jefes de familia. Los investigadores presentan un conjunto de opciones de políticas destinadas a integrar el enfoque de género en todo el mundo pandémico. Haciendo hincapié en la necesidad de soluciones transversales, los autores proponen políticas en tres áreas principales: el hogar, el trabajo y los espacios entre el trabajo y el hogar. Esto permitirá que las políticas de recuperación socioeconómica no solo atenúen los impactos a corto plazo, sino que también fomenten la igualdad de oportunidades para mujeres y hombres en el mediano y largo plazo.

Jair Messias Bolsonaro, the former army captain and recently elected Brazilian presi­dent from the Social Liberal Party (PSL) with the campaign slogan "Brazil above every­thing; God above everyone", is a paramount example of the linkage between politics and Evangelical values, interests, and actors in Latin America: In May 2016, Bolsonaro was baptised in the Jordan River by Pastor Everaldo Pereira, a prominent leader of the Assembly of God church and the head of the Social Christian Party (PSC); pictures and videos of the ceremony were circulated on the internet. Bolsonaro counted on the support of the Evangelical Parliamentary Front of the National Congress, comprising 199 deputies with diverse party affiliations and 60 percent of the Evangelical elec­torate's voting intention for the electoral run-off. Edir Macedo, founder of the Uni­versal Church of the Kingdom of God and owner of the second largest media network in Brazil, endorsed Bolsonaro's candidacy and broadcasted a favourable interview with him on his TV programme. In Latin America, candidates with conservative-value agendas and strong positions on authority and order as well as against crime and cor­ruption are especially attractive to the rapidly growing number of Evangelical churches and believers in the region. At the same time, they have become an important target group of politicians of different parties searching for support. (auhtor's abstract)

In the six decades following the end of World War II, only twenty percentof Holocaust-era records had been analyzed, according to the late distinguishedscholar Raul Hilberg.1 Considering the proliferation of books, journal articles, and academic programs in Holocaust studies, this figure seems shockingly low, but when we consider the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum's archi- val holdings from Latin America and Spain, we are reminded of the unclaimed histories these archives hold, for few scholars have pursued studying these in earnest. Diplomatic correspondence, records of concentration camps, Jewish communities, businesses and institutions, newspaper articles, texts from private collections of individuals, and more from Latin America and Spain, speak to the tremendous amount of material that is forgotten, and the history that is forgottenwith them.

Schooling is thought to be of great importance in Latin America and elsewhere in the developing world. The World Bank (1980, 1981), Colclough (1982), Psacharopoulos (1981, 1983), and others emphasize strongly the critical role of schooling in increasing productivity, equalizing income distribution, improving health and nutrition, reducing fertility and in pursuing other objectives.In part because of such emphasis, there have been considerable and increasing resources devoted to schooling in recent decades in Latin America and in other developing regions. There also have been numerous studies that attempt to evaluate what determines investment in schooling and what are the private and social rates of return to schooling. The latter group of studies generally finds that such returns are fairly high, suggesting that expanding schooling indeed should be a high priority activity.

AbstractIf one interprets China's sizable rise in Latin America as an unprecedented phenomenon, it follows that the concurrent story of declining U.S. influence in the region is an event hastily acknowledged at best and ignored at worst. In this article, we ask whether Chinese economic statecraft in Latin America is related to the declining U.S. hegemonic influence in the region and explore how. To do so we analyze foreign direct investments, bank loans, and international trade from 2003 to 2014, when China became a major player in the region. We use data from 21 Latin American countries, and find that an inversely proportional relationship exists between the investments made by Chinese state-owned enterprises (SOEs), bank loans, manufacturing exports, and the U.S. hegemonic influence exerted in the region. In other words, Beijing has filled the void left by a diminished U.S. presence in the latter's own backyard.

This article analyzes the incidence of social spending and taxation by income quintile for seven Latin American countries, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Absolute levels of social spending in Latin America are fairly flat across income quintiles, a pattern similar to that in the United States and differing from the more progressive pattern of spending in the United Kingdom. The structure of taxation in Latin America is also similar to that of the United States. Because of high income inequality in Latin America and the US, the rich bear of most the burden, whereas the United Kingdom taxes the middle class to a greater extent. The analysis suggests that many Latin American countries are trapped in a vicious cycle in which the rich resist the expansion of the welfare state (because they bear most of its tax burden without receiving commensurate benefits), and their opposition to its expansion in turn maintains long‐term inequalities.

Russia attempts to leverage itself onto the global stage and be portrayed as a global power that must be consulted on major global issues. It does so in order to claim a status of equality with the United States and force it to consider Russian interests before the United States acts in those regions where Russia claims to have vital or important interests, even though its ability to play on a truly global stage is quite limited. Nevertheless, for the reasons advanced above, in Latin America Moscow endeavors to cut a global figure, even if its commercial presence there pales relative to the U.S. or Chinese presence. Although world attention now focuses on Russia's invasion of Ukraine, Moscow is once again simultaneously expanding its presence in Latin America. Since this process has received little scrutiny, this paper attempts to provide an assessment of Moscow's goals, strategies, tactics, and policy instruments. Adapted from the source document.