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International audience ; Empirical political science has increasingly focused on citizens' conceptions of their political system. Most existing studies draw upon large quantitative datasets which have produced contradictory results. Qualitative approaches are used more and more commonly to identify the general narrative produced by ordinary citizens on their political system, but they tend to underplay the variations found in their discourses. In this article, I use semi-directed interviews to explore citizens' contrasting aspirations about their political system. This article is based on 32 interviews conducted with French citizens across Fall and Winter 2017 and on 24 interviews conducted during the Yellow Vests movement in fall 2019. During these interviews, citizens were asked to define in their own terms what politics is, what it should achieve, what the flaws and advantages of their political system are and what should be changed. These citizens have produced four ideal-typical discourses, uncovering four distinct conceptions of what the political system is, how it legitimizes itself, what types of procedures it should lay on and what types of outcomes it should produce. Citizens' discourses heavily focus on alternative logics of political representation, which remains unavoidable to channel political decisions. They express four competing aspirations: entrustment, participation, identification, and control & sanction. The two latter conceptions remain under-explored empirically.

The integration of British born young Muslims into wider society is one of the most topical issues challenging policy makers in modern Britain. As citizens with diverse ethnic and religious backgrounds they have aspirations, values and interests which may seem difficult to accommodate within a Western European social and political context. For an intelligent and well informed analysis of the dynamic nature of social and political integration, we need to listen to the voices of young British Muslims, males and females; and record the diversity of their experiences as citizens. Understanding their motivations and political concerns are key factors in illuminating their identity and predicting their political action. The challenge for informed policy-making is to avoid simple stereotyping of faith communities and examine more deeply the key drivers of identity formation and political engagement of young British Muslims.

Cet article utilise une revue espagnole d'études rurales – Ager – pour observer le rôle des périodiques scientifiques dans la promotion de l'interdisciplinarité. Sur plus de quinze années d'existence, Ager a publié des recherches réalisées par des géographes, des sociologues, des économistes, des historiens et des anthropologues. Dans un certain sens, c'est l'histoire d'un succès : dans un environnement académique toujours plus concurrentiel, ce titre s'est affirmé comme une publication à la thématique plurielle, reconnue internationalement. L'histoire de ce succès illustre cependant les difficultés auxquelles se heurte le développement de l'interdisciplinarité dans les sciences sociales à cause, en particulier, de la domination de la pensée uni-disciplinaire tout au long du réseau sur lequel s'appuie le processus éditorial.

Talking with animals comes naturally and happens the world over. Traditional indigenous peoples depend on their abilities to understand the birds, grazers, and hunters who share their land and waters and we converse intimately with the dogs, cats, birds, and other animals with whom we live. Nonetheless, science and society cast a skeptical eye on claims that animals think and communicate on par with humans. Now, this view is changing. We have entered into a remarkable new ethical and psychological consilience as scientific theories and data converge with age-old experience. Communicating with animals — hearing what they are saying and talking with them — is not only possible, it has never stopped.

This book investigates the Internet as a site of political contestation in the Indian context. It widens the scope of the public sphere to social media, and explores its role in shaping the resistance and protest movements on the ground. The volume also explores the role of the Internet, a global technology, in framing debates on the idea of the nation state, especially India, as well as diplomacy and international relations. It also discusses the possibility of whether Internet can be used as a tool for social justice and change, particularly by the underprivileged, to go beyond caste, class, gender and other oppressive social structures. -- Provided by publisher.

After Japan's defeat in World War II, its political system underwent a gradual modernization from militarism to neoliberal democracy. Radical changes in the structure, functions and the nature of the country political system differed in special political and legal aspects: in the form of the government, parliamentarism, a party system, governance. During this period, Japan went from a bureaucratic authoritarian system to a modern, conciliatory political system.

Albeit the research into Junaid Sulaeman as the most famous Islamic Cleric in South Sulawesi was extensively undertaken, little empirical research addressed his political biography. This research aimed to explore his political Hijrah from Islamic fundamentalism to Islamic moderate. This research adopted a biography study design. To collect data, a documentary analysis based on Junaid Sulaeman's diary and in-depth interview were conducted. The data analysis was carried out thematically using Azra's and Al-Jauhari's concept of fundamental and moderate Islam. The research revealed three findings. First, Junaid Sulaeman's political Hijrah was conducted from Darul Islam toward Golongan Karya party. Second, the factors that drove Junaid Sulaeman's participation in the political movement included the changing of socio-political context, the breadth and depth of his religious knowledge, the need to get Allah's guidance, and the consideration of dawah. Third, the implications of Junaid Sulaeman's political movement were known from the expansion of his local and national network, as well as the development of socio-religious institutions in Bone. The research concluded that a good cooperation between the ulama and the government could provide more benefits and blessings to the community.

ABSTRACTThe aim of this paper is to present the ex ante Socio‐Economic Impact Assessment of a European Social Science Research Infrastructure (RI) named EuroCohort that will provide, over the next 34 years, a longitudinal study of the well‐being of children and young people across Europe.

We investigate a case of political favoritism. Some members of the Bavarian parliament hired relatives as office employees who were paid using taxpayers' money. We examine whether being involved in the scandal influenced re-election prospects and voter turnout. The results do not show that being involved in the scandal influenced the outcome and voter turnout of the 2013 state elections. We propose three explanations: (i) the Bavarian state election was a test run for the German federal election; (ii) the state government made a quite good job of clarifying failings; (iii) in June 2013, a very heavy bout of flooding eclipsed the political scandal.

It is well established that the race and gender of elected representatives influence the ways in which they legislate, but surprisingly little research exists on how race and gender interact to affect who is elected and how they behave once in office. This text takes up the call to think about representation in the United States as intersectional, and it measures the extent to which political representation is simultaneously gendered and raced. Drawing on original data on the presence, policy leadership, and policy impact of Black women and men, Latinas and Latinos, and White women and men in state legislative office in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries, this work demonstrates what an intersectional approach to identity politics can reveal.

Regionalism has remained perhaps the most potent force in Indian politics ever since independence (1947), if not before. It has remained the main basis of many regional political parties which have been governing many states since the late 1960s. The National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government led by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which ruled at the federal level from 1999 to 2004, was but a medley of various region-based parties. Interestingly enough, regionalism has also remained the main basis of the communist movements in India which have grown in close identification with the regions, and are sustained therein. In the post-independence period, region is said to have often vied with the nation. The post-independence resurgence of regionalism in many parts of India baffled the observers of Indian politics, and offered as the basis of prediction of the country's "imminent balkanization" (Harrison 1960). The "crisis thesis" which was implicit in Harrison has been the theme of many subsequent accounts of Indian politics. The basic question that I seek to raise in this paper relates to the role played by Indian federalism in ensuring India's unity, stability and survival as a polity in the face of persistent regionalism, often verging on separation, rooted in manifold and complex social and cultural diversity, and mass poverty, illiteracy, extreme regional unevenness in development, and widespread inequality. The question has assumed special significance in the aftermath of the disintegration of the multi-ethnic and multi-national Soviet Union, and the split up of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. India's record of relative unity and integrity stands in sharp contrast to many post-colonial federations, which have failed, or broken down. In the age of what Eric Hobsbawm has called "nation-splitting", India's relative unity and integrity, and survival as a state is remarkable indeed. To be sure, regionalism is rooted in India's manifold diversity of languages, cultures, tribes, communities, religions and so on, and encouraged by the regional concentration of those identity markers, and fuelled by a sense of regional deprivation. For many centuries, India remained the land of many lands, regions, cultures and traditions. The country of more than a billion people inhabiting some 3, 287, 263sq km., India's broad regions, socio-culturally speaking, are distinct from one another. For instance, southern India (the home of Dravidian cultures), which is itself a region of many regions, is evidently different from the north, the west, the central and the north-east. Even the east of India is different from the North-East of India comprising today seven constituent units of Indian federation with the largest concentration of tribal peoples. The British colonial division of the Indian territory broadly between the directly-ruled provinces, and some 560 (indirectly-ruled) autocratic princely kingdoms of many sizes, religions, tribes, and languages added complexity to regionalism in India. Even after various phases of territorial reorganization since 1950, most regions of India contain many sub-regions marked by some social and cultural identity symbols. In India, regionalism, or the acute sense of loyalty to the particular region manifested itself variously. It has often expressed itself in antagonistic terms to that of the nation, fuelled as it is by the sense of enduring deprivation due to long-term neglect in development, and resource redistribution. Regionalism has often expressed itself in terms, which are opposed to national unity and integrity, and challenging to the legitimacy of the state. While the rulers have most often liked to see in regionalism "a very serious threat to the development, progress and unity of the country", some scholars have expressed similar views by seeing regionalism as "anti-system, anti-federal" and so on. But positively oriented scholar have seen values in regionalism in the context of building the nation, or national cohesion provided the political system is accommodative of timely meeting the demands of the regions. The literature on regionalism, its meaning, forms, causes and consequences in India etc are already vast, and there is perhaps little to add to clarifying the meaning of regionalism in India, or its forms and content. The basic point that I would highlight in this respect is that internal self-determination of community, whether linguistic, tribal, religious, regional, or their combinations, has remained the predominant form in which regionalism in India has sought to express itself, historically as well as contemporaneously. Most often, self-determination has been couched in terms of statehood or state autonomy.

With the launching in December 2002 of the first calls of the "6th Framework Programme of the European Community for research, technological development and demonstration activities, contributing to the creation of the European Research Area and to innovation (2002 to 2006)", it is very timely to have a critical look at its reality and its potential impact on the European Research Area, in particular with respect to the social sciences. It is argued that it is by no means guaranteed that the Framework Programme will be able to mobilise the creative research potential within and outside the European Union and include the best European researchers. There is a significant danger that the Framework Programme will lead to a monopolisation of research activities within bureaucratic national research institutes (and within the networks they build) and greater political influence on research, especially by the member states and their National Research Institutes. This endangers the existing European Research Area as manifested in the open and flexible research networks that have proven their capacity in the 4th and 5th Framework Programmes. The article will start from the history of the 6th Framework Programme up to its first implementation, describe the First Call and its impacts on consortium building, and finally draw some preliminary conclusions. (Original abstract)