Suchergebnisse

In this trenchant critique, Siba N'Zatioula Grovogui demonstrates the failure of international law to address adequately the issues surrounding African self-determination during decolonization. Challenging the view that the only requirement for decolonization is the elimination of the legal instruments that provided for direct foreign rule, Sovereigns, Quasi Sovereigns, and Africans shows that the principles recognized in international law today are not universal, but instead reflect relations of power and the historical dominance of specific European states.

Norm research has struggled to leave behind its liberal progressive perspective on norms. It has turned its attention towards contestation and norms erosion. Still, in a number of studies contestation is not merely an analytic concept but a normative concept as well, describing a problematic development of norms. Plainly, contestation is often seen as a form of political backlash. This is problematic because the bulk of normative change proceeds in the form of contestation, so we need to be able to distinguish the two. Studying the recurring and radicalising contestation of the International Criminal Court, this article demonstrates the intimate relationship between contestation and backlash. It argues that while backlash might be fruitfully applied to the study of norm contestation, its added value for norms research is linked to the normative connotation of regressive politics, that is, a 'thick' concept of backlash.

Since the collapse of President Suharto's New Order regime in 1998 and the international intervention in East Timor in 1999, there has been much speculation in South-East Asia and the West over whether Indonesia -- weakened by economic difficulties, social distress and political instability -- has a future as a coherent nation-state. This paper argues that although the separatist struggles in Aceh or Papua are unlikely to succeed in the foreseeable future, other problems threaten to undermine the central government's control. Communal disputes have led to chronic violence in Maluku, Central Sulawesi, and Kalimantan. Simultaneously, tension between Islamic and secular political forces has grown. Indonesia's disarray has prompted international concern over an array of security threats, including contagious secessionism, Islamic terrorism, the movement through Indonesia of asylum-seekers, piracy and environmental dangers. In order to contain these security implications of Indonesia's protracted crisis, concerned governments should continue assisting its fragile reform process, particularly by helping Jakarta to manage the country's massive international debt. However, they should also coordinate their contingency planning for a further crumbling of Jakarta's authority.

Im Jahr 2005 rief der chinesische Staatspräsident Hu Jintao bei einer Rede anlässlich des 60. Jahrestages der Gründung der Vereinten Nationen erstmals zum Aufbau einer »Harmonischen Welt« auf. Diese zeichnet sich laut Hu durch dauerhaften Frieden und gemeinsamen Wohlstand aus. Die Außenpolitik, die China im Rahmen seiner derzeitigen »friedlichen Entwicklung« zur Großmacht verfolge, stehe im Zeichen von Frieden, Entwicklung und Zusammenarbeit. Der auf die traditionelle konfuzianische Lehre zurückgeführte Begriff Harmonie hat sich in den letzten Jahren zu einem Modewort in der chinesischen Politik entwickelt: So ist die Rede vom Aufbau einer »Harmonischen Gesellschaft« im Inland, von einer »Harmonischen Asien-Pazifik-Region« oder vom »Harmonischen Nahen Osten«. Dabei fehlt es dem Begriff jedoch an einer scharfen Kontur und klaren Bedeutung. (Autorenreferat)

In the 1980s, debtor nations faced with capital scarcity needed to find ways to promote economic adjustment & service debt; creditors needed to stabilize their own financial system. The US Baker Plan strategy was to arrange new bank lending to developing nations, thus reducing the vulnerability of overly exposed US banks to default. Later, the US championed the restructuring or reduction of old debt; however, bank regulators did not see commercial banks in the role of long-term lenders to countries whose economic factors are difficult to assess, & worked to refocus banks to their home markets. The history of bank regulation & the financing of developing countries in Japan, Canada, & West Germany are examined also. The evidence suggests that the indigenous capital market in a developing country should play the role of financier; however, for most nations, this is only a long-term goal & the international securities market is open to only the most credit-worthy nations. Over the short to medium term, governments of industrialized countries, individually or through expanded multilateral institutions, are the only source of financing for indebted developing countries. Japan in 1987 increased export-import bank loans, while other industrialized countries lacked the fiscal ability or political will; however, their responsibility for new bank lending remains clear. 2 Tables, 57 References. Modified AA

Gegenstand der Untersuchung ist die Staatsbürgerschaftspolitik der baltischen Staaten und der Ukraine sowie Rußlands, wobei die Frage der russischen Minderheiten in den Staaten der ehemaligen Sowjetunion im Mittelpunkt steht. Der Verfasser arbeitet die zentrale Rolle heraus, die die Regelung der Staatsbürgerschaft bei der Herausbildung einer nationalen Identität in den Nachfolgestaaten der UdSSR spielt. Darüberhinaus verleiht die Staatsbürgerschaft einen Anspruch auf politische und ökonomische Rechte. Konsequenzen hat die Staatsbürgerschaftsregelung auch auf internationaler Ebene. Eine Diskriminierung russischer Minderheiten führt zu wachsendem Druck auf die russische Regierung, Russen im benachbarten Ausland zu schützen. Ethnische Beziehungen im Baltikum werden zudem von europäischen Organisationen wie der OSZE überwacht. Während Rußland seine Politik der doppelten Staatsbürgerschaft als Unterstützung russischer Minderheiten im Ausland versteht, sehen andere Nachfolgestaaten der UdSSR diese Maßnahme als Versuch einer Kontrolle über das gesamte Territorium der ehemaligen Sowjetunion. (BIOst-Wpt)

Die erneute Machtübernahme der Taliban am 15. August 2021, knapp 20 Jahre nachdem sie von den USA und ihren Verbündeten militärisch besiegt wurden und als geschlagen galten, zeigt überdeutlich, dass das Projekt des Aufbaus eines afghanischen Staatswesens nach westlichem Vorbild gescheitert ist. Wie konnte es dazu kommen? Wo liegen die Weichenstellungen für dieses Ergebnis und was kann und muss für die Zukunft daraus gelernt werden?

In India, rapid industrialization and reorganization of the global supply chain are driving economic growth, accompanied by increasing exports and carbon emissions. India is poised to succeed China as the next world manufactory, which will lead to huge emissions in the country. To formulate appropriate emission mitigation measures, it is necessary to further understand the temporal change in India's emissions at the sectoral level from both the production and consumption perspectives. However, existing studies that have estimated emissions in India have paid less attention to the link among original emitters, final producers and final consumers and to its temporal change. Based on an emission inventory compiled in this study, we trace emission flows from original emitters to final producers and then to final consumers through the international supply chain by using an environmentally extended multi-regional input-output model. This study finds that both production-based and consumption-based emissions in India increased constantly from 2000 to 2014, and production-based emissions had higher growth rates due to the increased coal share. The major receivers of India's exported emissions were developed countries (e.g., the European Union and the United States), while the main sources of India's imported emissions were developing countries (e.g., China and Russia). From 2011 to 2014, India's net exported emissions increased by 29.2% because of the decrease of imported emissions. Moreover, intermediate products (63% and 73.7%) were the major contributors to exported and imported emissions, most of which were embodied in manufacturing products (48.8% and 65.7%, respectively). Therefore, international cooperation to optimize the energy and trade structure and to improve energy efficiency can be effective in mitigating carbon emissions in India.

New international trade agreements and institutions will have an important impact on state environmental practices. As states within afederal system become increasingly bound by trade agreements, their involvement in framing international trade rules and policies must increase accordingly. This article sets forth some of the new international obligations that could impinge on state soverignty, and makes recommendations that would bring more accountability and balance to state-federal procedures for addressing these matters.