Suchergebnisse

In his report to the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation in the beginning of 1992, President Boris Yeltsin stated that one of the fundamental principles of his foreign policy was the integration of Russia into the 'community of civilized states'. However, joining a society or community of some kind requires the fulfilment of certain standards. The first global application of international norms and expected standards of behaviour took place during the nineteenth century through the process of the expansion of the European society of states and its gradual transformation to the contemporary global international society. In this process, the standard of 'civilization' played an essential role in determining which states would join the expanding European society and which ones would not. Despite its official repudiation, the standard of 'civilization' has remained an international practice as well as a benchmark against which the attitudes and policies of states are assessed. This paper examines the changes that the Russian Government under President Yeltsin had to introduce in order to achieve the country's admission into post-Cold War international society. It argues that these changes included the democratization of the Russian political system, the transformation of the Russian economic system into a free market economy, and the de-ideologisation of the Russian foreign policy.

Corporate human rights due diligence : from the process to the principle / Ludovica Chiussi -- A binding instrument on business and human rights as a source of international obligations for private companies : utopia or reality? / Marco Fasciglione -- International investment treaties as a source of human rights obligations for investors / Giovanni Zarra -- To what extent does international law matter in the field of business and human rights? / Andrea Spagnolo -- The EU Charter of fundamental rights as the source of judicially enforceable obligations to the activity of private companies / Monica Parodi -- Direct and indirect involvement of companies in the development of business and human rights law : insights from practice / Diego Mauri -- Multi-stakeholder initiatives and new models of co-regulation in the field of business and human rights / Enzamaria Tramontana -- The role of corporations as standards setters : the case of business actors involved in the development and deployment of artificial intelligence tools / Elena Carpanelli -- UNGP national action plans and their legal value / Marta Bordignon -- Hardening soft law : the implementation of human rights due diligence requirements in domestic legislations / Chiara Macchi and Claire Bright -- From soft international law on business and human rights to hard EU legislation? / Francesco Luigi Gatta -- Human rights clauses in public procurement : a new tool to promote human rights in (States') business activities? / Edoardo Alberto Rossi -- The unbearable lightness of European security and markets authority's soft law : an Italian perspective / Jacopo Alberti -- Conclusion / Angelica Bonfanti.

Loans from international organizations impose large costs on the receiving nation. The decisions to accept such loans and then whether or not to implement the prescribed reforms are made with high stakes in mind. Domestic leaders are most likely facing punishment for the current economic crisis, but what is their incentive to implement the arrangements if the costly reforms associated with the loans may reduce their ability to satisfy their supporters? To fully understand this relationship, I develop a theory that explains leader tenure in the post-reform period as a function of the rational decision to accept a loan. Leaders who expect to be secure in the adjustment period are more willing to accept the conditions that accompany loans rather than attempt to withstand the crisis on their own. With the use of a selection duration model, I examine the interplay between electoral incentives and institutional dynamics to show that leaders governing under different institutional arrangements are affected differently for involvement in IMF loans. Since leaders choose when to accept IMF loans based on their own expectations of post-reform tenure, democratic leaders are less likely to participate in loans. Authoritarian leaders, on the other hand, are more likely to participate in agreements because their hold on power in the post-reform period is stronger. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Ltd., copyright, the International Political Science Association.]

Arbeit in all ihren Ausprägungen ist ein nicht wegzudenkender Teil menschlicher Existenz. Daher betrifft Arbeits- und Sozialpolitik direkt die Gestaltung des täglichen Lebens. Die Begriffe Arbeits- und Sozialstandards zeigen, dass die Bedingungen, unter denen Menschen leben und ihr Leben verdienen, Ausdruck einer spezifischen veränderbaren Sozialordnung sind. In regionalen oder nationalen Zusammenhängen werden die industriellen Beziehungen durch gesetzliche Regelungen, kulturelle Gewohnheiten und Traditionen bestimmt. Internationale Normen stoßen auf große Herausforderungen, wenn sie auf nationaler Ebene angewendet werden. Der vorliegende Beitrag befasst sich mit den Schwierigkeiten der Etablierung internationaler Sozialstandards. Zunächst wird historisch beleuchtet, wie es zur Formulierung internationaler Arbeits- und Sozialstandards kam und welche internationalen Organisationen damit befasst haben. Der Schwerpunkt liegt dabei auf der Internationalen Arbeitsorganisation (ILO). Danach untersucht die Autorin die aktuelle ILO-Agenda "Decent Work Worldwide" und die Probleme bei der Durchsetzung internationaler Arbeits- und Sozialstandards im Kontext der weltweiten sozio-ökonomischen Entwicklung. Im Anschluss daran werden die Möglichkeiten und Grenzen bei der Beeinflussung multinationaler Unternehmen diskutiert. Abschließend stellt die Autorin verschiedene Ansätze aus den Bereichen Capacity Building und staatlicher Willensbildung, vor dem Hintergrund der Trennung zwischen Normen und aktueller Politik, vor. (ICD)

Family health history is a well-established risk factor for many health conditions but the systematic collection of health histories, particularly for multiple generations and multiple family members, can be challenging. Routinely-collected electronic databases in a select number of sites worldwide offer a powerful tool to conduct multigenerational health research for entire populations. At these sites, administrative and healthcare records are used to construct familial relationships and objectively-measured health histories. We review and synthesize published literature to compare the attributes of routinely-collected, linked databases for three European sites (Denmark, Norway, Sweden) and three non-European sites (Canadian province of Manitoba, Taiwan, Australian state of Western Australia) with the capability to conduct population-based multigenerational health research. Our review found that European sites primarily identified family structures using population registries, whereas non-European sites used health insurance registries (Manitoba and Taiwan) or linked data from multiple sources (Western Australia). Information on familial status was reported to be available as early as 1947 (Sweden); Taiwan had the fewest years of data available (1995 onwards). All centres reported near complete coverage of familial relationships for their population catchment regions. Challenges in working with these data include differentiating biological and legal relationships, establishing accurate familial linkages over time, and accurately identifying health conditions. This review provides important insights about the benefits and challenges of using routinely-collected, population-based linked databases for conducting population-based multigenerational health research, and identifies opportunities for future research within and across the data-intensive environments at these six sites.

The International Monetary Fund (IMF, or the Fund) has undergone a number of significant policy changes and reforms in the wake of the global financial crisis. Most notably, in December 2015, the United States approved long-delayed legislation to increase the representation of developing countries in the Fund's governance structure. The vital progress on quota shares has finally allowed for a resumption of wider and increasingly critical discussion of the strategic role of the IMF in the post-crisis world. This paper aims to relaunch the debate by assessing the recent reforms and changes, identifying areas where progress is still needed and proposing solutions. Our findings suggest that, while much has been accomplished by the Fund's management and staff since the global crisis, there is still a pressing need for member countries to push for further reforms if the IMF is to remain a relevant player in the rapidly evolving global economic and financial system. Emerging-market economies remain under-represented at the Fund and continue to perceive the IMF as biased against them, undermining the influence of its advice, despite the increase in their quota share and changes to improve the quality, efficiency and even-handedness of the IMF's surveillance and lending. In advanced economies, where the Fund has traditionally had little traction on national policies, the institution faces the challenge of managing and communicating its independence in programs involving large shareholders. We propose reforms aimed at improving country representation, granting the IMF real operational independence and enhancing its catalytic role.

The author examines the legacy of two great Christian thinkers, the American Reinhold Niebuhr and the Italian Giorgio La Pira. Reinhold Niebuhr was a protestant theologian and political adviser to the Council of Foreign Relations and George Kennan's Policy Planning Staff. The Mayor of Florence, Giorgio La Pira was a Dominican tertiary and professor of Roman law; he was a prominent Italian statesman and one of the fathers of the Italian Constitution. During the Cold War period both played a significant role in influencing public opinion, both proved to be among most influential religious thinkers of the 20th century. The author analyzes their views on international relations, in particularly on the western policy towards the Soviet Union, the use of nuclear weapons, the war in Vietnam and the communist issue. The legacy of the two thinkers is highly topical in front of the ethical dimension of choices in international politics today. Therefore the names of Christian thinkers are back again to the fore. It is worth noting that President Obama cites Niebuhr as one of his favorite philosophers. In an interview with «The New York Times» Obama felt it necessary to emphasize the Niebuhr's idea that there is "a real evil, fatigue and pain in the world, and one should be careful and modest in his belief of being able to eliminate these things. Nevertheless, we should not use it as an excuse for cynicism and inaction". European observers and scholars also admit that Obama is following the thought of Niebuhr, who was demythologizing the idea of America as a visible place of the Kingdom of God». Niebuhr was well aware of the limitations of all humane schemes. Giorgio La Pira was aware as well that politics should always base on ethical principles and reflect the existing spiritual, cultural, political and economic diversity. His main purpose was the formation of a new hierarchy of values. Just like Reinhold Niebuhr, Giorgio La Pira, reflecting on key events of the 20th century, looked for a policy based on the precepts of Christianity. Just like Reinhold Niebuhr, La Pira stated the primacy of politics over economics. However there were some differences between the two thinkers. Niebuhr's ontological pessimism was well known. On the contrary, La Pira was an optimist. He sincerely believed that his personal policy would help mankind to promote the cause of a new world.

The Danish architect, designer and cultural critic, Poul Henningsen, 1894–1967, was one of the most internationally oriented figures in Danish modernism. His PH-lamp system was a highly praised example of industrial design, produced by Louis Poulsen from 1926 onwards and promoted by figures such as Ludwig Mies van der Rohe and Alvar Aalto. Henningsen was also editor-in-chief of Kritisk Revy, published from 1926 to 1928, the Danish critical periodical that was closest to international avant-garde journals in its polemical tone and experimental lay-out. But even if, in Danish public opinion during the 1920s, Henningsen would play the role of a full-blown modernist, he nevertheless maintained that Danish conditions and traditions were distinct and that Danish architecture and art industry had found its own way into modernism, that is to say, he advocated a certain Danish exceptionalism. Accordingly, in the later 1920s, in several articles in Kritisk Revy, he still expressed reservations about Le Corbusier and Walter Gropius, whom he saw as being too propagandistic and as reducing modernist ideas to a narrow set of stylistic motifs or even a fad. It took the modernist splendour of the Stockholm Exhibition in 1930 and Adolf Hitler's rise to power in Germany in 1933 to convince him that the doctrines and international idiom of functionalism was a necessary path towards modern culture and, with it, towards an egalitarian society. This change of heart seems to have developed from a somewhat belated re-engagement with cubism, which he understood as a paradigmatic aesthetic turn and a political worldview, and on this basis he came to embrace the international style. Thus, rather than merely a shift in aesthetic preferences, this reveals Henningsen as an interesting example of ongoing negotiations around the role of national traditions and international movements in art, design and architecture in twentieth-century Denmark.

The article considers US actions towards Nicaragua as being totally void of justification in international law. The Reagan administration no longer feels the need to justify their position, and the rationale has been reduced to pure Realpolitik considerations. The article goes beyond the single situation presented by Nicaragua. The whole process of foreign policy breeds contradictions. The concept of independence, would be applied to groups fighting against a regime hostile to the US, but those fighting against an ally are not accorded the same honor, no matter how repressive the regime