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"The last three chapters were contributed by a lady member of [the author's] family."--Pref. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Authorship attributed to George W. Bungay. Cf. Brown University, Dict. Cat. of the Harris Coll., v. 2. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Collection : The governing classes of Great Britain ; Collection : The governing classes of Great Britain ; Contient une table des matières

A new phenomenon in Ukrainian political science was the cycle of studies of the Institute of World Policy (Kyiv) «Foreign Policy Audit of Ukraine». The work is supported by several international foundations and organizations using the methodology of the political index (BISS), previously tested by the Belarusian Institute for Strategic Studies. Noting the positive results of the application of this methodology by an international research team — a clearly indicated value for practical policy, the author pointed to a number of specific limitations. In particular, the widespread use of quantitative methods of political sociology is not provided with sufficient protection against the possibility of subjective interpretation of data. The main role in the article play issues of the Ukrainian-French discourse presented in the article «Foreign Policy Audit: Ukraine-France. Discussion Note» created by a group of specialists from France and Ukraine. It is a meaningful system of political science analysis. After presentation of this material by the Institute with the participation of the French ambassador to Ukraine Isabel Dumont, the latter told the press that Ukraine is now included in the top 5 of foreign policy priorities of her country. Such an optimistic statement gives a hope for a more favorable climate for the restoration of full-scale cooperation and attraction of new scientific forces for the study of this issue. The discussion note on the basis of reach factual material shows the condition of interstate cooperation and public opinion, as well as the inconsistency of the positions of both sides in assessing the Ukrainian political crisis that has become one of the central themes of European politics since 2013. The dual nature of French policy varies between the desire to support Ukraine and the unwillingness to complicate relations with Russia. Participation of France in resolving of the Ukrainian crisis within the Normandy Format is criticized by authors of the Note for its inertia and orientation on German policy. On their opinion the position of Ukraine is declarative and is not convincing enough for French public opinion. Accepting the invitation to the discussion the author critically evaluates the final recommendations of the Note which shows an obvious tendency towards French interests the value of some of them is highly questionable for the Ukrainian side (for example, participation in French foreign military operations, like Georgia). The author also disagrees with the statements that before the creation of the group in the Normandy Format France did not have a specific policy towards Ukraine. This also shows a shortage of the chosen methodology which needs additions from the field of historical experience. The author gives a short outline of the historical retrospective of Ukrainian-French relations emphasizing their steady nature and constant growth in both the political and economic spheres up to 2013. At the same time, an unprecedented leap was made between 2005 and 2012 in the sphere of economic cooperation. A factor analysis of this phenomenon shows that French investments in Ukraine just for the «seven-year plan» soared by 30 (!) Times, but in 2012 this growth suddenly stopped. There are known demarches of French ambassadors to the Ukrainian government, but the genuine reasons for this question still require research. Since 2014, the intensity of political contacts at the highest level between the two countries has also rocketed to an unprecedented level, but this has not affected the stabilization of economic relations which have been rolled back for more than a decade. In conclusion, the author notes that the «Foreign Policy Audit of Ukraine» will make a positive contribution to the development of domestic political science and to increase the effectiveness of the state's activities in the international arena. In the context of the Ukrainian-French discourse of the actual problem the creation of an updated model of cooperation is seen as the previous model built according to the «Road Map» programs, despite being effective it does not work in modern conditions and there is still no other program of this level. ; Стаття присвячена дослідженню сучасних досягнень української політології у сфері міжнародних відносин, а саме нових методологічних підходів (методологія BISS) з метою визначення «Українського зовнішньополітичного індексу». Основна увага приділена проблемі українсько-французского дискурсу цих політологічних досліджень. За деякими позіціями аналізу і рекомендацій французько-української дослідницької групи проекту « Аудит зовнішньої політики України» автор дискутує й надає свій погляд на про-блему, який доповнюється коротким історичним нарисом двосторонніх стосунків Україна — Франція з використанням архівних джерел МЗС України. На цій основі автор формулює свої висновки і рекомендації. ; Новым явлением в украинской политологии стал цикл исследований Киевского института мировой политики «Аудит внешней политики Украины». Работа ведется при поддержке нескольких международных фондов и организаций с использованием методологии политического индекса (BISS), апробированной ранее Белорусским институтом стратегических исследований.Отмечая позитивные результаты применения данной методологии интернациональным исследовательским коллективом, четко очерченное прикладное значение для практической политики, автор указал на ряд конкретных недостатков. В частности, широкое использование количественных методов политической социологии не обеспечено достаточной защитой от возможности субъективных интерпретаций данных.Центральное место в статье занимает рассмотрение вопросов украинско-французского дискурса, представленого в статье «Аудит зовнішньої політики: Україна — Франція. Дискусійна записка», подготовленной группой специалистов из Франции и Украины. Это содержательный системный политологический анализ. После презентации институтом данного и других материалов по состоянию двусторонних отношений с участием посла Франции в Украине Изабель Дюмон последняя заявила прессе, что Украина теперь входит в ТОП-5 внешнеполитических приоритетов ее страны. Такое оптимистическое заявление дает надежду на создание более благоприятного климата для восстановления полномасштабного сотрудничества и привлечения новых научных сил для исследования проблемы.В Дискуссионной записке конкретно, на широком фактическом материале показано состояние межгосударственного сотрудничества и общественного мнения, противоречивость позиций обеих сторон в оценках украинского политического кризиса, ставшего одной из центральных тем европейской политики с 2013 г. Двойственный характер политики Франции колеблется между стремлением поддержать Украину и нежеланием осложнять отношения с Россией. Участие Франции в разрешении украинского кризиса в рамках Нормандского формата оценивается авторами Записки критически за ее инертность и следование в фарватере политики Германии. Позиция Украины, на их взгляд, декларативна и для французского общественного мнения мало убедительна.Принимая приглашение к дискуссии, автор критически оценивает итоговые рекомендации Записки, где виден явный крен в сторону французских интересов и ценность некоторых из них весьма сомнительна для украинской стороны (например, участие во французских заграничных военных операциях по примеру Грузии). Не согласен автор также с утверждениями о том, что до создания группы в Нормандском формате у Франции не было определенной политики в отношении Украины. В этом также усматривается недостаток избранной методологии, которая нуждается в дополнениях из области исторического опыта.Автор дает краткий очерк исторической ретроспективы украинско-французских отношений, подчеркивая их устойчивый характер и постоянный рост как в политической, так и в экономической сферах вплоть до 2013 года. При этом с 2005 по 2012 год был совершен беспрецедентный рывок в сфере экономического сотрудничества. Факторный анализ этого явления показывает, что французские инвестиции в Украину всего лишь за «семилетку» взлетели в 30 (!) раз, но в 2012 году этот рост внезапно остановился. Известны демарши французских послов украинскому правительству, но подлинные причины данного поворота еще требуют своего ис- следования.С 2014 года интенсивность политических контактов на высшем уровне между двумя странами также взлетела до небывалого уровня, однако это никак не отразилось на стабилизации экономических отношений, которые откатились назад более чем на десятилетие.В заключение автор отмечает, что «Аудит внешней политики Украины» внесет позитивный вклад в развитие отечественной политологии и в повышение эффективности деятельности государства на международной арене. В контексте украинско-французского дискурса актуальной задачей видится создание обновленной модели сотрудничества, поскольку прежняя модель, выстроенная по программам «Дорожных карт», несмотря на свою эффективность, в современных условиях не работает, а другой полноценной программы подобного класса еще нет.

Reviews the contributions of the cognitive approach in helping political psychologists to understand how citizens think about the world of politics. Considers research concerned with both the mental structure or representation of information about the political world and research concerned with specifying the cognitive processes that produce political judgments and opinion, and concludes that political cognition scholarship has begun to live up to its promise. Suggests a research agenda for the future, pointing to directions for extending the political cognition paradigms. (Original abstract - amended)

In a purely theoretical analysis of pol'al change in racially plural societies, 3 diff analytical perspectives are presented. Marxist theory emphasizes the primacy of class relations in a revolutionary dialectic of pol'al change, but there are many difficulties in its application to a racially plural society, arising more particularly from the fact that racial & class divisions do not fully coincide, & from the failure in class solidarity between members of diff races. Models derived from E. Durkheim's analysis of the progressive DofL provide a theory of evolutionary change based upon the development of cross-cutting relationships between members of diff races which establish new forms of solidarity, transcending the old divisions. Again, in racially plural societies, where the races are pol'ly incorporated on a basis of inequality, it is difficult to see how interpersonal relations & solidarities between individual members of diff racial sections can be translated into pol'al change by evolutionary means. Plural society theory emphasizes the structural cleavages between the races & may explain some of the otherwise intractable phenomena of change in plural societies. A model of revolutionary change, based on the Marxist model, is presented, but derived from the diff'ial pol'al incorporation of the races, instead of the diff'ial relationship to the means of production. AA.

Frontmatter -- Contents -- List of Tables -- List of Figures -- Acknowledgments -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Studying the Newcomers -- 3. A Matter of Numbers: Immigrant Demographics and the Electoral Process -- 4. Are the Newcomers Exceptional? The Applicability of Traditional Models to Immigrant Political Participation -- 5. From Newcomers to Settlers: Immigrant Adaptation and Political Participation -- 6. Were They Pushed? Political Threat, Institutional Mobilization, and Immigrant Voting -- 7. Beyond the Ballot Box: Nonvoting Political Behavior Across Immigrant Generations -- 8. The Future of Immigrant Political Participation: Directions in Policy and Research -- Appendix -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index

This set of interventions therefore re-examines the practices, institutions and knowledges involved in the political geographies of area. There has been important previous work that has pursued such questions across a range of sites and epochs, including early twentieth-century Britain ( Dickinson & Howarth, 1933), Cold War America (Farish, 2005), post-1991 Europe (Toal, 2003) and globalizing North America in the late 1990s (Lewis & Wigen, 1997). At the heart of our discussion though, are the ways in which the study of areas remains imbricated with questions of geography and geopolitics.

This paper deals with the ONCPB, Office Nationale de Commercialisation des Produits de Base, the largest crop marketing organization in Cameroon. In the first part the chequered history of government control of agricultural marketing is reviewed, and the creation of the ONCPB in 1976 is discussed as the culmination of various efforts to reorganize and harmonize the marketing arrangements in the country. The second part examines the scope of the ONCPB, that is the extent of its participation in actual marketing

Argues that social classes have not died, but declined substantially in political significance, justifying a shift from class-centered analysis to multicausal explanations of political behavior & related social phenomena. Here, the key propositions of Clark & Lipset (1991) are extended, & new empirical evidence is added to commentaries by Mike Hout, Clem Brooks, & Jeff Manza (2001 [1993]) & Jan Pakulski (2001). Four general propositions are stated concerning where & why class is weaker or stronger, & then applied to several areas to consider how class has weakened in its impact, especially on politics. Several writers of Marxist background are cited to show how they have converged with others in interpreting central developments. The importance of organizations like unions & parties, independent of classes, in affecting political processes is noted. The rise of the welfare state in generally weakening class conflict by providing a safety net & benefits is discussed. The diversification of the occupational structure toward small firms, high-technology industries, & services weakens class organizational potentials, as does rising affluence. Political parties have correspondingly shifted from class conflict to noneconomic issues, eg, the environment. In many countries, the socialist & communist parties have drastically altered their programs away from traditional class politics toward new social issues & often toward constraining government. New nationalist parties have arisen stressing national identity & limiting immigration. Ways that these developments have cumulatively weakened class politics are described. 1 Table, 3 Figures, 57 References. Adapted from the source document.

Despite repeated attacks on various figures of authority and political leaders such as Saddam Hussein, the scholarly debates in the law of armed conflict have not given much attention to an analysis of if, and if so, when, state and political leadership may be subject to lawful attack, or the question of when physical objects associated with exercising of the official functions contributing to the prosecution of military operations can satisfy the criteria of the definition of military objectives. Whilst examining various positions of leadership, such as Prime Ministers and political party figures, it is argued that there is a relationship between the character and the scope of the activity of such individuals, which may impact a legal assessment of the objects used or intended to be used in the furtherance of such functions. The existence of such relationships is best demonstrated by the example of individuals vested with the Commander-in-Chief functions. This Article demonstrates, contrary to previous assertions in the literature, that their status will be based either on their membership in armed forces or on their conduct constituting direct participation in hostilities. The result of such assessment could result in opposing outcomes of legal evaluation of the infrastructure associated with activity of such individuals, with possibly far-reaching consequences of incorrect application of the principle of distinction in armed conflict.