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Ohio Government and Politics provides a thorough, highly readable overview of the history, processes, and institutions of the state's government and politics. In a country increasingly divided into blue and red states, Ohio is "purple" - one of the few states that is not dominated by a single political party. Covering the crucial strategies of both the republicans and democrats as they vie for power in Ohio, this new title demonstrates the "nationalizing" of Ohio politics. However, contemporary issues specific to Ohio politics are not neglected; coverage of important issues such charter reform in Cuyahoga County and the controversies over the regulation of "fracking" is included.

State constitutional provisions concerning church and state differ in specificity and substance from the First Amendment's establishment clause. In large part, these differences reflect the fact that the state provisions originated in concrete historical disputes. After the American colonies declared independence, conflict over established churches led states to adopt provisions safeguarding freedom of worship and prohibiting aid to religious institutions. During the nineteenth century, conflict between Protestants and Catholics over education resulted in the adoption in most states of provisions banning aid to parochial schools and prohibiting religious influences in schools receiving public funds. Reliance on either state or federal constitutional guarantees, therefore, should result in invalidation of religious exercises in public schools. In other cases, however, outcomes may depend on the constitutional basis for decisions. Whereas various indirect aids to parochial schools have survived scrutiny under the establishment clause, they may run afoul of state constitutional bans; and whereas the U.S. Supreme Court has upheld religious displays, some state courts have ruled that they violate state constitutional prohibitions.

A review essay on books by: John M. Kirk, Politics and the Catholic Church in Nicaragua (Gainesville, FL: University Press of Florida, 1992; Daniel H. Levine, Popular Voices in Latin American Catholicism (Princeton, NJ: Princeton U Press, 1992); & Rowan Ireland, Kingdoms Come: Religion and Politics in Brazil (Pittsburgh, PA: U of Pittsburgh Press, 1991 [see listings in IRPS No. 76]). Kirk takes a traditional institutional approach to the study of religion & politics in Nicaragua. Emphasis is placed on the dynamics of church structures & their impact on the political sphere through church membership. The church in Nicaragua is largely portrayed as a political actor interested in accommodation & maintaining the status quo. Levine takes an individualized approach to the church in Latin America by emphasizing the faith & religious motivation of church members to take personal, social, & political action to better their lives. The rise & significance of liberation theology & the Christian community movement are discussed. Ireland utilizes a qualitative, ethnographic approach to study religion & politics in the northeastern Brazilian community of Campo Alegre. Politics is portrayed as a contrast between different ways of living & is exemplified through analysis of the community's three major religious groupings: evangelical Protestants, Afro-Brazilian spiritists, & the Roman Catholic church. D. Generoli

This study examines the extent of separation of religion and state (SRAS) between 1990 and 2002 in 152 states using the Religion and State database. The results show that when using a strict interpretation of SRAS—nostate support for religion and no state restrictions on religion–no state has full SRAS except the United States. Even when discounting moderate amounts of government involvement in religion (GIR), greater than three quarters of states do not have SRAS. The findings also show that GIR has increased slightly between 1990 and 2002, economic development is associated with higher levels of GIR, states with Muslim majorities have higher levels of government support for religion, and democracies have higher levels of SRAS than do autocratic states but rarely have full SRAS. This contradicts the idea that SRAS is an essential element of democracy and predictions that religion will cease to be an important political and social factor in modern times.

Focused on the emergence of US President Donald Trump, the United Kingdom's departure from the European Union, and the recruitment of Islamic State foreign fighters from Western Muslim communities, this book explores the ways in which the decay and corruption of key social institutions has created a vacuum of intellectual and moral guidance for working people and deprived them of hope and an upward social mobility long considered central to the social contract of Western liberal democracy. Examining the exploitation of this vacuum of leadership and opportunity by new demagogues, the author considers two important yet overlooked dimensions of this new populism: the mobilization of both religion and masculinity. By understanding religion as a dynamic social force that can be mobilized for purposes of social solidarity and by appreciating the sociological arguments that hyper-masculinity is caused by social injury, Roose considers how these key social factors have been particularly important in contributing to the emergence of the new demagogues and their followers. Roose identifies the challenges that this poses for Western liberal democracy and argues that states must look beyond identity politics and exclusively rights-based claims and, instead, consider classical conceptions of citizenship.

Mode of access: Internet. ; Rare Annex Copy 1: Gift of Goldwin Smith.

Das Verhältnis von Religionen zur Moderne erscheint heute zumeist prekär. Auf der einen Seite ist man konfrontiert mit massiver Gewalt und aggressiver Ablehnung von Demokratie und säkularem Verfassungsstaat. Auf der anderen Seite treten Religionsgemeinschaften als Protagonisten einer Politik der Menschenrechte auf.Was ermöglicht und begünstigt nun die Annahme der Moderne? Orientierung kann hier der schwierige Weg des Katholizismus bieten, der von einem strikt antimodernistischen Widerspruch gegen Menschenrechte und Demokratie zu deren vorbehaltloser Anerkennung in den 1960er Jahren geführt hat. Dieser Weg zeigt: Nur wenn Religionsgemeinschaften in modernen Gesellschaften anerkannt und respektiert werden, werden sie umgekehrt die normativen Grundlagen der Moderne - nämlich Menschenrechte und Demokratie sowie die Trennung von Religion und Politik - anerkennen.