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"The Smoke of London uncovers the origins of urban air pollution, two centuries before the industrial revolution. By 1600, London was a fossil-fueled city, its high-sulfur coal a basic necessity for the poor and a source of cheap energy for its growing manufacturing sector. The resulting smoke was found ugly and dangerous throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, leading to challenges in court, suppression by the crown, doctors' attempts to understand the nature of good air, increasing suburbanization, and changing representations of urban life in poetry and on the London stage. Neither a celebratory account of proto-environmentalism nor a declensionist narrative of degradation, The Smoke of London recovers the seriousness of pre-modern environmental concerns even as it explains their limits and failures. Ultimately, Londoners learned to live with their dirty air, an accommodation that reframes the modern process of urbanization and industrial pollution, both in Britain and beyond"--

This volume presents ten leading scholars' writings on contemporary Islamic law and Muslim thought. The essays examine a range of issues, from modern Muslim discourses on justice, natural law, and the common good, to democracy, the social contract, and "the authority of the preeminent jurist." Changes in how Shari'a has been understood over the centuries are explored, as well as how it has been applied in both Sunni and Shi'i Islam. Debates on the nature, interpretation, reform, and application of Shari'a lie at the core of all Islamist revivalist ideologies and movements of the past two centuries. The demand for the implementation of Shari'ba is one of the hallmarks of Islamic fundamentalism, and Shari'a has become one of the most controversial and politicized concepts in Muslim-majority countries today. This will be one of the first books to examine how Muslims understand and apply Shari'a in contemporary societies.--Publisher description

The metaphorical categorization of social and political adversaries as "parasites" has an infamous history in public discourse: For two centuries it has been routinely used for the purpose of racial and socio-political stigmatization. In cognitive accounts, theparasite-metaphorhas usually been treated as an example of semantic transfer from the biological to the social domain. Historically, however, the scientific uses cannot be deemed original or primary, as their emergence in the 17th and 18th centuries was preceded by a much older tradition of religious and social meanings. The paper charts the main traditions of diachronic variation in the discourse history of the parasite-metaphor anddiscusses the implications of its findings regarding the assumption of "uni-directionality" of metaphorization processes, which has been a central tenet of cognitive analyses. In conclusion, we ask whether metaphors in political discourse might fruitfully be viewed as a "parasitic" form of communication.

Le développement et la commercialisation des trois principaux pro­duits de l'agriculture Cretoise céréales, vin. huile d'olive—sont misen rapport avec la politique économique des deux puissances qui, suc­cessivement, ont exercé leur domination sur la Crète: Venise, puisl'Empire ottoman.Cette politique n'avait pas pour premier but de servir les intérêts dela population crétoise mais ceux de la puissance souveraine.Aussi assiste-t-on à la prépondérance de la culture céréalière et de lacommercialisation des grains au début de la domination vénitienne,époque durant laquelle la République éprouve, pour de multiplesraisons, de grands besoins en céréales. Elle va favoriser cette culturejusqu'à la fin du XVe siècle environ.Alors d'autres facteurs interviennent. En Occident on assiste audéveloppement de l'industrie, à l'expansion du commerce international, au développement du capitalisme marchand, à la croissancedes centres urbains. Ces facteurs sont déterminants pour la nouvelle politique agricole adoptée parVenise à legard de ses colonies; c'est lapériode de la monoculture. Aussi laCrète se voue-t-elle à la culture dela vigne dont l'expansion rapide, au. XVIe siècle, lui permet d'ex­porter d'importantes quantités de vins dé qualité. C'est la période del'essor économique le plus important de nie.Cependant la crise internationale de la fin du XVIe siècle et laperte définitive de l'îlc par les Vénitiens au cours du XVIIe sièclefont régresser la viticulture en Crète. La vigne passera désormais ausecond plan.Pour une série de raisons dues à la politique économique de l'Em pire ottoman, on voit au même moment se développer l'oléiculture.Le commerce de l'huile d'olive prendra le pas sur les autres pendantles XVIlIe et XIXe siècles. ; The development and commercialization of the three main productsof Cretan agriculture (cereals, vine, olive oil) are seen in relation tothe economic policies of the two Powers (first. Venice and then theOttoman Empirei which successively dominated Crete.The prime objective of these policies was not to act for the interestsof Cretan population but for those of the sovereign power.Consequently we can observe that cereal crops and the commer­cialization of grain were preponderant at the beginning of Venetiandomination; this corresponds to a period when, for various reasons, the Republic badly needed cereals. Venice therefore encouraged thesecrops until about the end of the XVth century.Then, other factors arise. In the West, industry, expansion of international trade, merchant capitalism, towns are developing,constitutingthe determining factors for the new agricultural policy adopted byVenice with regard to its colonies; it is the time of monoculture. Sothat Crete was all assigned to vine cultivation, the fast developmentof which, during the XVIth century, enabled the island to export important quantities of quality wines. It was during this period thatCrete expienced its greatest economic progress.However, the international crisis at the end of the XVIth century andVenetians' final loss of the island in the XVIIth century, caused Cretan viticulture to regress. Vine henceforth was to play a secondarypart. For a number of reasons due to the economic policy of the Ot toman Empire, we can observe at the same period the development ofolive-growing. Olive oil was to become the most important trade inthe XVIII th and XIXth centuries.

[EN] The study relating to the town walls of Nola (a city near Naples) is one of the most interesting among those about the Neapolitan military architecture between the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. The building phases of the defensive walls allow us to retrace two main moments of the Renaissance military architecture. It is to say, from the original and most ancient example of a puntoni struts fortifications, about which we can relate thanks to the precious and detailed Ambrogio Leone de Nola's description made at the beginning of 1500, to the renewed defensive rampart body designed by el comendador Luis Escrivà during the Toledian period. A thorough recon of the iconographic sources, the regarding of the specialistic historiography, the contemporary theoretical assumptions and, most of all, a thorough recon of the still visible traces in the urban fabric and those emerged during the recent archeological investigations enable us to propose a structured theory about the building of the walls of Nola. ; Mollo, G.; Piccolo, G. (2020). La trasformazione dell'impianto fortificato della città di Nola tra Quattrocento e Cinquecento. Editorial Universitat Politècnica de València. 655-662. https://doi.org/10.4995/FORTMED2020.2020.11416 ; OCS ; 655 ; 662

The article reviews and assesses the recent literature that claims a sharp decrease in fighting and violent mortality rate since prehistory and during recent times. It also inquires into the causes of this decrease. The article supports the view, firmly established over the past 15 years and unrecognized by only one of the books reviewed, that the first massive decline in violent mortality occurred with the emergence of the state-Leviathan. Hobbes was right, and Rousseau was wrong, about the great violence of the human state of nature. The rise of the state-Leviathan greatly reduced in-group violent mortality by establishing internal peace. Less recognized, it also decreased out-group war fatalities. Although state wars appear large in absolute terms, large states actually meant lower mobilization rates and reduced exposure of the civilian population to war. A second major step in the decline in the frequency and fatality of war has occurred over the last two centuries, including in recent decades. However, the exact periodization of, and the reasons for, the decline are a matter of dispute among the authors reviewed. Further, the two World Wars constitute a sharp divergence from the trend, which must be accounted for. The article surveys possible factors behind the decrease, such as industrialization and rocketing economic growth, commercial interdependence, the liberal-democratic peace, social attitude change, nuclear deterrence, and UN peacekeeping forces. It argues that contrary to the claim of some of the authors reviewed, war has not become more lethal and destructive over the past two centuries, and thus this factor cannot be the cause of war's decline. Rather, it is peace that has become more profitable. At the same time, the specter of war continues to haunt the parts of the world less affected by many of the above developments, and the threat of unconventional terror is real and troubling. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Ltd., copyright holder.]

The article reviews and assesses the recent literature that claims a sharp decrease in fighting and violent mortality rate since prehistory and during recent times. It also inquires into the causes of this decrease. The article supports the view, firmly established over the past 15 years and unrecognized by only one of the books reviewed, that the first massive decline in violent mortality occurred with the emergence of the state-Leviathan. Hobbes was right, and Rousseau was wrong, about the great violence of the human state of nature. The rise of the state-Leviathan greatly reduced in-group violent mortality by establishing internal peace. Less recognized, it also decreased out-group war fatalities. Although state wars appear large in absolute terms, large states actually meant lower mobilization rates and reduced exposure of the civilian population to war. A second major step in the decline in the frequency and fatality of war has occurred over the last two centuries, including in recent decades. However, the exact periodization of, and the reasons for, the decline are a matter of dispute among the authors reviewed. Further, the two World Wars constitute a sharp divergence from the trend, which must be accounted for. The article surveys possible factors behind the decrease, such as industrialization and rocketing economic growth, commercial interdependence, the liberal-democratic peace, social attitude change, nuclear deterrence, and UN peacekeeping forces. It argues that contrary to the claim of some of the authors reviewed, war has not become more lethal and destructive over the past two centuries, and thus this factor cannot be the cause of war's decline. Rather, it is peace that has become more profitable. At the same time, the specter of war continues to haunt the parts of the world less affected by many of the above developments, and the threat of unconventional terror is real and troubling.

Esta contribución intenta dar cuenta, de forma sintética, de las relaciones desarrolladas entre España y el norte de África entre los siglos XV y XVI. Tales relaciones adopataron tanto formas pacíficas como conflictivas. La principal tesis que subyace en este trabjo es que, por ecnima del revestimiento ideológico-religioso, que parace como un apartado justificador del enfrentamiento entre cristianos y musulmanes afines de la Edad Media y comienzos de la Edad Moderna, los contactos entre unos y otros dependieron en realidad en mayor medida de motivaciones coyunturales de naturaleza económica o política y de la puesta en juego de intereses respectivos, condicionados en última instancia por la venicidad entre ambos mundos y por su inmeditez geográfica. La hostilidad que presidió habitualmente la relación entre ambos no excluyó, sin embargo, ciertas formas puntuales de mutua colaboración. ; This contribution seeks to reflect, in summary form, the relations developed between Spain and North Africa from the fifteenth to the sixteenth centuries. Such relations took both peaceful and conflictive forms. The main thesis behind this paper is that, above the ideological or religious mask, which appears as a justification for the clash between Christians and Muslims in the Late Middle Ages and the beginning of the Modern Age, contacts with one another actually depended to a greater extent on cynical reasons of economic or political nature and on the implementation of their respective interests, ultimately determined by the neighbourly relations between both worlds and their geographical proxmity. The hostility which generally prevailed in the relations between the two groups did not not, however, exclude certain isolated forms of mutual cooperation.

This dissertation argues for the historical agency of the North Anatolian city of Amasya through an analysis of the social and political history of Islamic mysticism in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries Ottoman Empire. The story of the transmission of the Halvetiye Sufi order from geographical and political margins to the imperial center in both ideological and physical sense underlines Amasya's contribution to the making of the socio-religious scene of the Ottoman capital at its formative stages. The city exerted its agency as it urbanized, "Ottomanized" and catapulted marginalized Halvetiye Sufi order to Istanbul where the Ottoman socio-religious fabric was in the making.This study constitutes one of the first broad-ranging histories of an Ottoman Sufi order, as a social group shaped by regional networks of politics and patronage in the formative fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. A prosopographical approach to the earliest Ottoman biographical works on Sufi orders brings the regionalist coloring in the rivalry between major Sufi orders to the fore. The ancient socio-political rivalry between two Anatolian regions surfaced in the strife between different Sufi orders in the socio-religious scene of the nascent imperial capital Istanbul. One of the contending Sufi orders, the Halvetiye was the product of the north central Anatolian city of Amasya. At the outset of the fifteenth century, the local landholding practices in Amasya in combination with contemporary political developments resulted in the proliferation of a particular type of Sufi architecture and the concurrent urbanization of Sufi activities. In the first half of the fifteenth century, the Halvetiye Sufi order, which originated in the rural areas of Azerbaijan, was appropriated by the city and assumed an urban identity. In Amasya, the Halvetiye, which was challenged by more established urban orders elsewhere in the Islamic world, found a safe haven and established its first contacts with the Ottoman elite. The final phase in the "Ottomanization" of the Halvetiye order took place in the second half of the fifteenth century. During the succession struggle of the late fifteenth century, the Halvetis joined a political faction led by Prince Bayezid (d.918/1512) who eventually succeeded to the Ottoman throne. Through association with one of the contending political parties via Halvetiye order, Amasya made a bid for influence in the socio-religious domain in the Ottoman core lands, especially in the imperial capital at its formative period. This dissertation concludes by problematizing the modern perception of the early Ottoman Anatolia as unified and monolithic, and a backwater to the rising Ottoman world. In so doing it attempts to shift the formative process of the Ottoman polity from the "core lands" covering Western Asia Minor and Southern Balkans to the Anatolian provinces.

Trabajo realizado en el marco del proyecto "Fuentes documentales para la historia de Extremadura", IIPRI - Junta Regional n.º 2PR02A036. ; Los siglos XIV-XV suponen para Extremadura el inicio de un complejo proceso de cambios políticos, sociales y económicos de profundas repercusiones. Derivado de esta realidad, arranca uno de los fenómenos que más incidencia tuvo en el conjunto territorial y estructural de Extremadura: la señorialización de espacios realengos. En el caso extremeño, la señorialización se desarrolla desde dos ámbitos, el que protagonizan las grandes familias nobiliarias y el que desarrollan las oligarquías locales. ; The 14th and 15th centuries mean the beginning of a complex process of political, social and economic upheavals with profound repercussions. Deriving from this reality, one of the most influential and remarkable phenomena in Extremadura is manor tenure development. In Extremadura, such a process entails two domains: big noble families and local oligarchies. ; peerReviewed

Scientific connections between Polish People's Republic and The Second Yugoslavia were a very important element of the bilateral relations between both countries. The mechanisms and rules of the scientific cooperation were similar to the rules and mechanisms of the cultural cooperation and faced the same constraints and possibilities. Types of institutions existing in the field of culture had their correspondences in the field of science and education. Developing of the scientific cooperation was not a strategic aim for both countries in the interwar period as well as during the Communism due to the situation on the international political scene. In the era of globalization, in the context of international scientific cooperation, interslavic relations has become the weakest in the last two centuries. Nowadays, even more than before, the scientific cooperation between all Slavic countries depends on individuals and their involvement. ; Scientific connections between Polish People's Republic and The Second Yugoslavia were a very important element of the bilateral relations between both countries. The mechanisms and rules of the scientific cooperation were similar to the rules and mechanisms of the cultural cooperation and faced the same constraints and possibilities. Types of institutions existing in the field of culture had their correspondences in the field of science and education. Developing of the scientific cooperation was not a strategic aim for both countries in the interwar period as well as during the Communism due to the situation on the international political scene. In the era of globalization, in the context of international scientific cooperation, interslavic relations has become the weakest in the last two centuries. Nowadays, even more than before, the scientific cooperation between all Slavic countries depends on individuals and their involvement.

THE AUTHOR SUGGESTS THE EXISTENCE OF TWO RIVAL SOLUTIONS TO THE POLITICAL PROBLEM OF TERRITORIAL POSSESSION AND APPROPRIATION AMONG STATES. TAKING TERRITORIAL CONTROL AS THE ANALYTICAL STARTING POINT, HE EXAMINES THE EVOLUTION OVER THE LAST TWO CENTURIES OF TWO DIVERGENT SOLUTIONS TO THIS ISSUE. THE 19TH-CENTURY EUROPEAN RESPONSE OF SUPREME SOVEREIGNTY WITHIN THE CONTEXT OF A TRUE COMMUNITY OF STATES MAY BE CONTRASTED WITH THAT OF THE COMITY OF REPUBLICAN AMERICAN STATES SHARING A MORAL VISION AND, MORE RECENTLY, U.S. REFINEMENTS OF AN ATERRITORIAL LOGIC. THE U.S. INVASION OF PANAMA IN 1989 MAY BE UNDERSTOOD AS MARKING THE RESUMPTION OF THE HISTORICAL RIVALRY BETWEEN THESE TWO LOGICS AND THE WIDENING OF THE APPLICATION OF U.S. STATE PRACTICES AND PRINCIPLES. TRACING THE EXPANSION OF THE AMERICAN LOGIC IN THIS WAY HELPS TO EXPLAIN THE GREATER FOCUS AMONG STATES ON PROBLEMS OF ECONOMIC PRODUCTION AND DISTRIBUTION AND THE LESSER FOCUS ON TERRITORIAL APPROPRIATION.

International audience ; Very few monks, friars, regular canons owned personal seals. This paper, based on inventories and catalogues of seals available at the Centre de Sigillographie of the Archives nationales in Paris, analyses 171 french seals. Dated from 1182 to 1485, they belonged to monks per se (mostly benedictines, cistercians and clunisians), friars (mendicant, hospital and military orders) and canons (mainly augustinians). Only 6 seal owners were women. Abbots, priors and officers of the cloister are left out of this survey. However, the two oldest seals of this corpus belonged to a former bishop for one, and to a former abbot for the other. Monks were supposed to shed all personal belongings when entering their religious community. Possessing a seal was a special situation to them. So those 171 monastic seals represent a significant number. More than half of the corpus consists in matrices, thus making it difficult to give a date of use or to clarify the seal owner's order without the help of a charter. Despite this, it's possible to indicate monks'seals were probably more frequent in 1250-1350. Legends often lack of precision concerning titles, especially monastic orders and places. A seal referring to a « frater » could belong either to a franciscan, a templar or even a monk. And images give no indication about the order. Iconography is varied but showing mostly religious subjects. Devotional scenes and coats of arms account for a large proportion of the corpus. It is a surprise however to note that seal owners' standing figures were engraved on a few seals, which was quite daring when you consider the stature of such iconography. There were probably a few hundred monks' seals in Europe during medieval and modern era, maybe a thousand. It's a lot, if one considers that monks were not allowed a seal theoritically. But it's very few compared to abbots, priors and officer of cloiters' seals which were probably tens of thousands during the same period.

International audience ; Very few monks, friars, regular canons owned personal seals. This paper, based on inventories and catalogues of seals available at the Centre de Sigillographie of the Archives nationales in Paris, analyses 171 french seals. Dated from 1182 to 1485, they belonged to monks per se (mostly benedictines, cistercians and clunisians), friars (mendicant, hospital and military orders) and canons (mainly augustinians). Only 6 seal owners were women. Abbots, priors and officers of the cloister are left out of this survey. However, the two oldest seals of this corpus belonged to a former bishop for one, and to a former abbot for the other. Monks were supposed to shed all personal belongings when entering their religious community. Possessing a seal was a special situation to them. So those 171 monastic seals represent a significant number. More than half of the corpus consists in matrices, thus making it difficult to give a date of use or to clarify the seal owner's order without the help of a charter. Despite this, it's possible to indicate monks'seals were probably more frequent in 1250-1350. Legends often lack of precision concerning titles, especially monastic orders and places. A seal referring to a « frater » could belong either to a franciscan, a templar or even a monk. And images give no indication about the order. Iconography is varied but showing mostly religious subjects. Devotional scenes and coats of arms account for a large proportion of the corpus. It is a surprise however to note that seal owners' standing figures were engraved on a few seals, which was quite daring when you consider the stature of such iconography. There were probably a few hundred monks' seals in Europe during medieval and modern era, maybe a thousand. It's a lot, if one considers that monks were not allowed a seal theoritically. But it's very few compared to abbots, priors and officer of cloiters' seals which were probably tens of thousands during the same period.

Over the last two centuries, Germans and Americans have been rivals, friends, opponents, and, most recently, allies. This 1997 cross-disciplinary collection of essays analyses how German and American views of each other developed and periodically shifted, providing a fresh analysis of the often complex German-American relationship. The images that resulted from encounters between the two countries frequently reflected significant cross-currents of the contemporary relations, and often foreshadowed important trends. The nine German and eight American contributors to this volume analysed travelogues, private letters, diaries, diplomatic reports, and newspaper articles from the wake of US independence through the reunification of Germany, and also post-1945 movies, that reflect these cross-cultural encounters and illustrate how political agendas, prejudices, stereotypes, and pragmatic forces influenced individual, group and mass perceptions of the other society