Suchergebnisse

Volltext // Exemplar mit der Signatur: Augsburg, Staats- und Stadtbibliothek -- 4 S 326 -9,6

This article delves into the experiences of Brazilian students studying abroad, examining the factors that drive and hinder this type of international migration. Our analysis emphasises the importance of exchange programmes, transnational connections, and diasporic practices. We contend that the desire to emigrate is fostered by relative underdevelopment, but that international and local factors present structural barriers to realising those aspirations. As a result, individuals must seek alternative avenues, with educational exchanges and student mobility programmes emerging as critical resources. We also explore how ethnic and human capital can facilitate mobility for many Brazilians, enabling them to overcome structural barriers that often require them to navigate multiple nation-states. This study thus contributes to the conversation on the connections between ethnic and human capital on the one hand and multinational, stepwise migrations on the other.

Intro -- Contents -- Acknowledgements 7 -- CHAPTER 1. Making the Problem of Nutrition in Interwar Years 11 -- The social and economic background 11 -- State and international frameworks 13 -- Hunger, food and diet 14 -- The new science of nutrition 15 -- Historiography trends 18 -- Nutrition and public health 24 -- CHAPTER 2. Nutrition and Public Health: the International Response 27 -- International agencies and technical reports 28 -- E. Burnett and W.R. Aykroyd's report 32 -- Public health, physiology and clinical knowledge 36 -- CHAPTER 3. Agriculture Serving a Science of Nutrition 39 -- CHAPTER 4. Guiding Principles for Scientific Studies on Nutrition 47 -- EstabIishing physical standards 47 -- E.J. Bigwood guiding principles 50 -- CHAPTER 5. Food and Nutrition in Various Countries 53 -- The landscape in the early 1920s 53 -- The effects of the depression 53 -- CHAPTER 6. Experts in Action: Physiology of Nutrition and Optimum Diet 57 -- Dietary standards and the nutritive value of food 57 -- Protein requirements 67 -- Carbohydrate and fat requirements 70 -- Mineral salts and vitamins 71 -- Some technical reports on the physiology of nutrition 72 -- CHAPTER 7. Nutritional Deficiencies and Malnutrition 79 -- Deficient nutrition and health impairment 79 -- Medical patterns to define malnutrition 83 -- CHAPTER 8. Rural Dietaries in Europe 95 -- E.J. McDougall's report an rural Europe 95 -- The problem of dietary habits 100 -- CHAPTER 9. Nutrition and the War 105 -- Nutrition problems during the Spanish Civil War 105 -- The consequences of the Second World War 119 -- CHAPTER 10. Famine Disease in Internment Camps 125 -- Conclusion 139 -- References 143 -- Documents and technical reports 143 -- Printed sources 145 -- Selected bibliography 155.

The main models of rationalization formed in the classical period of the Arab-Muslim culture (VIII–XV centuries) have had a notable impact on Modern polit­ical discourse in Iran. The paper presents an analysis of the political concept of the ideologist of the Islamic revolution in Iran in 1979 Ayatollah Khomeini (1902–1989). Applying the categorical model "explicit – hidden" (ẓāhir – bāṭin) to the analysis of Khomeini's argumentation makes it possible to identify the most important references to the major philosophemes of mature Sufism in his main work "Governance of the Jurist: Islamic Government" (Vilāyāt-i faqīh: hukumat-i islāmi). The paper explores Khomeini's views on the phenomenon of Islamic rule, personal qualities and duties of the ruler-jurist (faqīh). The result shows how the concept of the "Perfect Human Being" (insān kāmil), of the greatest Sufi thinker Ibn 'Arabi (1165–1240) is realized and fundamentally re­considered in Khomeini's political manifesto. In Ibn 'Arabi's philosopheme the unity of God-and-world is manifested by the "Perfect Human Being". The gov­ernance of Khomeini's "Righteous Jurist" helps maintain God-and-people "con­nection" at state level. A comparison of Ibn 'Arabi's philosopheme and the polit­ical concept the "Governance of the Jurist" sheds light on the ways the "Perfect Human Being" concept increasingly associated with the figure of "Righteous Ju­rist" in socio-political reality of pre-revolutionary Iran

This paper argues that innovation diffusion is not a rational implementation process, but more accurately portrayed as a highly social process, involving sets of intermediate organizations that contribute to a product's reputation. Empirically it builds on two case studies, one cultural and one science-based, to demonstrate there are industry differences in where innovations get validated: validating intermediaries are centralized in few global nodes in the case of theatre, and decentralized in each marketplace in the case of pharmaceutical vaccines. This pattern is counterintuitive, because it is different from what we would expect based on the spatial organization of their production activities. These findings have implications for policy: can we assume innovations will readily diffuse (and export) outside their region of origin?

With all key political institutions firmly in Orban's hands, and with the electoral rules basically tilted to Orban's advantage, many observers question whether Orban's regime can be successfully challenged domestically, from within. As a result, the attention has shifted to the European Union and its role in policing the violations of EU basic values, which include democracy and the rule of law. After examining the EU's record in protecting the rule of law and democracy in Hungary, I conclude that EU sanctions are not likely to save democracy in Hungary. In conclusion, I argue that instead of focusing too narrowly on sanctions, the Hungarian opposition should articulate a coherent (politico-economical) alternative to Orban's authoritarian populism. Instead of focusing only on legal or economic sanctions, the EU and member states should look to alternative economic and social policies that would speak directly to the anxieties of populist voters. The good news is that this trend can be reversed— but only if European leaders, together with the Member States, articulate a coherent alternative to the failed neo-liberal economic and social policies of the last two decades. Only an economic policy that promotes growth, better jobs and wages, and social inclusion can stem the nationalist-populist tide.

AbstractThis paper focuses on immigration control in the Gulf Cooperation Council countries from a theoretical perspective. Gulf countries have massively relied on labor imports from the wider Arab world and South Asia, as the nationals' populations were too small to fill the growing need to expand infrastructure and development projects. Relying on a common agency model of lobbying adapted to an autocratic setting, it analyzes the setting of an immigration policy as a political compromise pressured by a multinational firm established in the host country and national citizens. Its main theoretical result is counterintuitive and highlights that, although Gulf countries' nationals value a tighter control on immigration to preserve a social capital that is perceived to be threaten by unlimited inflows of foreign migrants, the level of immigration control is lower than its socially optimal value. The impact of immigration control on the wages of unskilled workers is a key component of the model. This theoretical modeling helps to understand the limited effectiveness of the "Kafala" reforms implemented during the 2000s and beyond, as well as their inability to curb large‐scale migrations to the Gulf countries' economies.

There exists a longstanding debate over the global institutional implications of Immanuel Kant's political philosophy: does such a philosophy entail a federal world government, or instead only a confederal 'league of nations'? However, while the systematic nature of Kant's tripartite 'doctrine of right' is well recognised, this debate has been conducted with all but exclusive focus on 'international right' in particular. This article, by contrast, brings 'cosmopolitan right' firmly into view. It proceeds by way of engagement with the two Kantian arguments made in defence of a 'league of nations' in discussion of international right, each of which appeals to aspects of states' supposed 'personhood': the first appeals to states' distinctive moral personality; the second to states' physical manifestation. The article considers what happens when we assess these arguments not just in light of the demands of international right, but also in light of cosmopolitan right, and thus in light of public right more comprehensively. The answer is that such arguments cannot succeed as full defences of a league of nations. Indeed, when we assess such arguments with cosmopolitan right in view, they point instead – either tentatively or definitively – in the direction of world government.

AbstractThe strengths and weaknesses of federalism have been debated for centuries. But one major possible advantage of building decentralization and limited government into a constitution has been largely ignored in the debate so far: its potential for reducing the costs of widespread political ignorance. The argument of this paper is simple, but has potentially important implications: Constitutional federalism enables citizens to "vote with their feet," and foot voters have much stronger incentives to make well-informed decisions than more conventional ballot box voters. The informational advantage of foot voting over ballot box voting suggests that decentralized federalism can increase citizen welfare and democratic accountability relative to policymaking in a centralized unitary state.Ballot box voters have strong incentives to be "rationally ignorant" about the candidates and policies they vote on because the chance that any one vote will have a decisive impact on an electoral outcome is vanishingly small. For the same reason, they also have little or no incentive to make good use of the information they do possess. By contrast, "foot voters" choosing a jurisdiction in which to reside have much stronger incentives to acquire information and use it rationally; the decisions they make are individually decisive.

Abstract
Despite the popularity of businesses' involvement in politics, little discussion has been conducted on the ethics of corporate political actions (CPAs) in the business, corporate social responsibility, business ethics and 'business and society' literatures. The sporadic studies on ethics of CPA mainly focus on one or two aspects of the CPA in judging its ethics, such as its goal or means or consequences, very little has been done in a systematic way to analyse and articulate ethical standards for those corporations and industries who proactively seek to influence government officials. This study attempts to make up this gap. By applying three basic ethical principles including Utilitarian theory, theory of rights and theory of justice into the CPAs, I propose an ethical judgment framework for CPAs. The ethical judgment framework focuses on and judged by four issues/attributes of a CPA, including the goals/purposes of the CPA, the means taken to achieve the goals, the consequences resulted from the CPA, and the process of the CPA. The 'means' and 'consequences' are the core criteria in the framework, but 'goals' and 'process' also contribute to the ethical judgment of a CPA.
Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Este artículo trata sobre cómo los poetas Jordan Scott y ryan fitzpatrick rechazan la representación de corte conservador de las provincias de "las praderas" canadienses, y abogan por una poética de lo urbano y por lo que Sianne Ngai ha llamado "poética del desagrado". A través del uso de una dicción fragmentada, Scott y fitzpatrick crean interrupciones insalvables de lo consumible, construyendo así un lenguaje que desbarata las representaciones típicas de lo rural y lo geográfico. Como poetas de la ciudad de Calgary, se sienten constreñidos ideológicamente por el énfasis político en el crecimiento y la explotación petrolífera, distanciándose a su vez de la urgencia modernista por construir estructuras y significados. ; This essay deals with how poets Jordan Scott and ryan fitzpatrick reject the conservative prairie representation in favour of a poetics informed by urbanity and Sianne Ngai's "poetics of disgust." Using fragmented dictions, Scott and fitzpatrick create unmovable interruptions to the consumable, constructing language which disrupts typical representations of rurality and geography. As Calgarian poets, they are constrained ideologically by the political emphasis on growth and oil exploitation and distance themselves from the Modernist urge to construct either structure or meaning.

This Master of Arts Thesis analyzes the contours of the Manitoba political party system. By surveying Progressive Conservative, New Democratic and Liberal Party candidates in the 2003 Provincial Election, the study uncovers a distinct left-right pattern among their attitudes. In particular, each party contains its own unique 'alloy' of attitudinal elements. New Democratic candidates hold social democratic, reform liberal, 'New Left', and neoliberal attitudes, for instance. Meanwhile the Tories are divided between their 'progressive' and 'conservative' wings, and the Liberals between their reform and neoliberal factions. These internal cleavages help bridge the gaps along the party spectrum, as certain left-wing and right-wing values permeate the attitudes of each party. Specifically, the survey reveals widespread leftist support for welfare, civil liberties and the environment, as well as cross-party adherence to neo-liberal concepts like affordable government. Nonetheless, despite intra-party divisions and inter-party convergence, the study concludes that there is considerable attitudinal distance between the New Democrats, Liberals and Conservatives, thereby confirming the existence of the 'traditional party spectrum' in Manitoba - with the NDP on the left, the PC's on the right and the Liberals in the centre.

'No man is good enough to be another man's master' (William Morris).
Economists frequently describe efficiency and equality as two separate, yet potentially conflicting, objectives. While in some circumstances the achievement of one of these objectives might preclude attaining the other, the evidence suggests that the post-war British economy has suffered a decline in relative efficiency with no progress towards greater equality. Faster growth rates, full employment and higher living standards are most likely to occur as a result of increased and sustained capital formation. The currently dominant economic philosophy of monetarism seeks to satisfy this requirement by redistributing income towards capitalists in the hope that they will then find investment attractive. The British left urgently requires an alternative strategy that generates new investment, while simultaneously establishing an ongoing egalitarian trend. As the political conditions for a revolutionary transformation of society are unlikely to prevail in the foreseeable future, socialist governments need to fulfil three crucial economic objectives:-

(i) to restore full employment while maintaining approximate price stability,
(ii) to accelerate the rate of capital accumulation in order to boost future increases in living standards,
(iii) to redistribute income and wealth in the direction of greater equality without imperilling future economic growth.