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ABSTRACTAnti‐extractivist critique still positions Indigenous people as protagonists of counter‐modern political sentiment, whether as opponents of modernity's processes of productive rationalization and economic integration, or as embodying ontologies that reject modernity's conceptual separation of humanity from natural resources. Indigenous anti‐extractivism is thus said to represent a rupture of modern politics in that it exceeds politics as we know it. Yet the calculus of modern politics remains central to Indigenous responses to resource extraction, even in social contexts where non‐modern ontological suppositions are widely adhered to. This is illustrated through an ethnography of Indigenous mining in the southern Ecuadorean Amazon and national‐level electoral data showing the sweeping support of Indigenous people for former leftist President Rafael Correa's 'neo‐extractivist' programme. This persistent modernity of Indigenous resource politics exposes the fallacy of projecting counter‐modern sentiments onto Indigenous peoples.

Four questions are presented in an effort to illustrate the fundamental problems associated with "top-down" & "bottom-up" approaches to evolutionary international relations theory: (1) Which units evolve? (2) Are political actors influenced by, & do they themselves influence, the political environment? (3) In what ways does the environment serve as a means for selection? (4) Should the direction of evolutionary change be ordered? Though absolute answers are not offered, a strategy is proposed wherein paradigmatic questions are broken down into "core" & "noncore" elements. Elements within these cores are individually affected by evolutionary principles & are altered as they come to operate & function as individual units of analysis. Environmental selection is one example of this phenomenon. This strategy should be viewed as laying the groundwork for further debate & discussion concerning the evolutionary study of global politics. 16 References. K. Larsen

Today, most anthropologists seem to agree that world views based on the fixed category identity-place, such as the ideology of the nation-state, wrongly assume that identities are inescapable destinies, naturally predetermined by kinship ties, ethnicity, locality, and shared culture. For refugees, the complexity of their experiences in their countries of origin, and in response to their diaspora itself, add further complexities to the process of ethnic identity formation. Ahıska Turks, a stateless community, who has experienced multiple displacements, violent persecution, and ongoing exile since 1944, claim to preserve their ethnic identity during exile years in different geographic locations through a strong link of place with memory, loss, and nostalgia. This article aims to investigate whether the Ahıska Turk identity is de-territorialized and reterritorialized through adapting the routines of the host culture in everyday life in the midst of all the efforts of achieving an economically and socially self-sufficient family and community lives in the United States.

The largest formal obstacle to voter participation for U.S. citizens today is the policy of felon & ex-felon disenfranchisement. This article examines the conditions under which states are more likely than not to repeal disenfranchisement provisions pertaining to the voting rights of convicted felons. It also addresses two broader questions: (1) Do political parties seek electoral gain by changing the electoral system & voting laws? & (2) Are preferences of party elites more important than the ideology of a state's citizenry in predicting electoral system change? The answer to both questions is yes. This study finds that disenfranchisement provisions are more likely to be repealed under a unified Democratic state government than under a split or Republican party government, but states in which electoral support for Democrats at the presidential level is generally weak are also more likely to repeal such provisions. No evidence is found that citizen ideology affects changes in voting rights. 4 Tables, 48 References. Adapted from the source document.

Metadata only record ; In this chapter Boelens and Zwarteveen deliver a sharp critique of the privatization of water rights in Andean countries. It is argued that historically, privatization has been used to concentrate power into the hands of the already powerful at the expense of communities that derive their livelihoods from common property management schemes. The authors are particularly critical of the Chilean example executed under the Pinochet regime and the continuing advice from the World Bank and other IFI's to continually adopt policies that abolish existing community systems and move towards much larger private systems.

RESEARCH ON PRESIDENTIAL NOMINATIONS IS COMPLICATED BY AN EVER-CHANGING ENVIRONMENT AS RULES ARE REVISED, CANDIDATES EXIT THE CONTESTS, AND THE PRIMARY SEASON PROGRESSES FROM FEBRUARY THROUGH JUNE. COUPLING THIS ENVIRONMENTAL COMPLEXITY WITH A LACK OF CONSENSUS AMONG SCHOLARS ON MEASUREMENT, MODEL-BUILDING, AND THEORY HAS PRODUCED CONTRADICTORY FINDINGS IN A NUMBER OF AREAS. NEVERTHELESS, SCHOLARS HAVE LEARNED MUCH ABOUT THE PATTERNS OF PRESIDENTIAL NOMINATIONS.

The "actual socialist" societies are characterized by the "primacy of politics" rather than the "primacy of economics" of bourgeois societies. Ac tual socialist societies cannot be analyzed with the concept of "state capital ism, " since, even though the mode of production, built on the "old division of labor," may be capitalist, the mode of domination, the way in which political authority is exercised, legitimated, and reproduced, is not. Therefore, the actual socialist social formation is not reducible to a capitalist one. Domination in ac tual socialism is embodied in the bureaucracy, whose principle of subordina tion and pursuit of its own particular interests at the expense of the whole of so ciety's interests structure the social formation. The legitimation of this mode of domination is based upon its economic achievements. But the bureaucracy seeks to secure its own interests, which prevents economic success, even as the bureaucracy itself defines it. So, actual socialist societies are caught in a constant cycle of decentralizing (market) and recentralizing (plan) reforms. The workers need only to realize that this form of society does not satisfy their real needs, which are for liberation from subordination to hierarchy and particular interests, in order for them to change actual socialism.

AbstractSupport for social distancing measures was, globally, high at the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic but increasingly came under pressure. Focusing on the UK, this article provides a rigorous exploration of the drivers of public support for social distancing at their formative stage, via mixed methods. Synthesizing insights from crisis management and securitization theory, thematic analysis is employed to map the main frames promoted by the government and other actors on the nature/severity, blame/responsibility, and appropriate response to the pandemic, which 'follows the science'. The impact of these on public attitudes is examined via a series of regression analyses, drawing on a representative survey of the UK population (n = 2100). Findings challenge the prevailing understanding that support for measures is driven by personal health considerations, socio-economic circumstances, and political influences. Instead, crisis framing dynamics, which the government is well-positioned to dominate, have the greatest impact on driving public attitudes.

Support for social distancing measures was, globally, high at the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic but increasingly came under pressure. Focusing on the UK, this article provides a rigorous exploration of the drivers of public support for social distancing at their formative stage, via mixed methods. Synthesizing insights from crisis management and securitization theory, thematic analysis is employed to map the main frames promoted by the government and other actors on the nature/severity, blame/responsibility, and appropriate response to the pandemic, which 'follows the science'. The impact of these on public attitudes is examined via a series of regression analyses, drawing on a representative survey of the UK population (n = 2100). Findings challenge the prevailing understanding that support for measures is driven by personal health considerations, socio-economic circumstances, and political influences. Instead, crisis framing dynamics, which the government is well-positioned to dominate, have the greatest impact on driving public attitudes.

Do regional hegemons use their power in regional organizations to advance foreign policy objectives? The authors investigate whether Japan leverages its privileged position at the Asian Development Bank (adb) to facilitate project loans for the elected Asian members of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), a platform from which it seeks to shape global affairs. Analyzing panel data of adb loan disbursements to twenty-four developing member-countries from 1968 to 2009, the authors find that temporary UNSC membership increases adb loans, particularly during the post–1985 period, when Japan asserted greater influence in multilateral organizations. They estimate an average increase of over 30 percent. Because of Japan's checkered history of imperialism, the adb provides a convenient mechanism by which the government can obfuscate favors for politically important countries. Acting through this regional organization enables Japan to reconcile a low-key approach to foreign affairs with the contradictory goal of global activism–leading without appearing unilateralist.

Politics is a term often frowned upon as it pertains to the role of an academic leader. However as chair and now director of a school for 30 years it has become an essential yet sometimes unwanted aspect of the daily rigors of the position. This workshop explores the pros and cons of "playing politics" as a department chair and allows interactivity among participants in "what if" scenarios citing various literature references along the way

This paper discusses and proposes random selection as a component in decision-making in society. Random procedures have played a significant role in history, especially in classical Greece and the medieval city-states of Italy. We examine the important positive features of decisions by random Mechanisms. Random processes allow representativeness with respect to individuals and groups. They significantly reduce opportunities to influence political decisions by means of bribery and corruption and decrease the large expenses associated with today's democratic election campaigns. Random mechanisms can be applied fruitfully to a wide range of fields, including politics, the judiciary, the economy, science and the cultural sector. However, it is important that random selection processes are embedded in appropriately designed institutions.