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Publications have become the single most important factor of career evaluation in the social sciences, as well as in most other academic disciplines. This has in turn led some scholars to examine the existence of potential biases in peer-reviewed publications. Teele and Thelen (2017) have shown that political science is not free from such biases. This article examines publication patterns and the peer-review process for the European Journal of Political Research. It relies on data on more than 5000 submissions between 2006 and 2017. I look at possible biases at the different stages of the publication process: submission, desk evalauation, review and acceptance. Results show that the journal's processes are free from bias, but confirm that submission patterns remain different, despite convergence in recent years.

¿Las formas modernas de comunicación política generan compromiso político o desafección política entre los ciudadanos jóvenes? Mientras las teorías del malestar mediático sostienen que los mensajes de los medios y las campañas tienen un impacto negativo sobre el involucramiento político de la ciudadanía, las teorías de la movilización sostienen que el efecto de tales mensajes sobre el compromiso político es más bien positivo. Este artículo analiza los efectos de los mensajes de los medios y las campañas sobre el compromiso cívico de los jóvenes durante la elección presidencial de 2012 a la luz de las teorías de la movilización cognitiva y del malestar mediático, mediante el uso de análisis de regresión múltiple, con datos de la Encuesta Nacional de Cultura Política de los Jóvenes 2012. En general, los resultados del análisis dan mayor apoyo a las teorías de la movilización que a las teorías del malestar mediático.

Dept. of History, Philosophy, and Political Science. Paper copy at Leddy Library: Theses & Major Papers - Basement, West Bldg. / Call Number: Thesis1976 .M64. Source: Masters Abstracts International, Volume: 40-07, page: . Thesis (M.A.)--University of Windsor (Canada), 1976.

This article tests for the existence of rational political business cycles models using a large and unexplored data set of Portuguese municipalities. The data set is well-suited for this purpose because it provides a high level of detail on expenditure items, because Portuguese municipalities are homogeneous with respect to policy instruments and institutions and follow an exogenously determined election schedule. Estimation results clearly reveal the existence of opportunistic behaviour by local governments. Expenditures increase in pre-election periods, especially on items that are highly visible to the electorate (e.g., highways and streets). This suggests an effort to signal competence and improve chances of ...

Cover -- Contents -- List of Maps -- Acknowledgments -- Notes on Contributors -- Introduction -- 1 Arabia Incognita: An Invitation to Arabian Peninsula Studies -- 2 The `Imama vs. the `Iqal: Hadari-Bedouin Conflict and the Formation of the Saudi State -- 3 Ecology, Knowledge, and Trade in Central Arabia (Najd) during the Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries -- 4 Shifting Loyalties and Failed Empire: A New Look at the Social History of Late Ottoman Yemen, 1872-1918 -- 5 Leaving Only Question-Marks: Geographies of Rule in Modern Yemen -- 6 Aramco World: Business and Culture on the Arabian Oil Frontier -- 7 The Capture of Riyadh Revisited: Shaping Historical Imagination in Saudi Arabia -- 8 Struggles Over History and Identity: "Opening the Gates" of the Kingdom to Tourism -- 9 Evacuating Memory in Postrevolutionary Yemen -- 10 Seeing Like a Citizen, Acting Like a State: Exemplary Events in Unified Yemen -- Bibliography -- Index -- A -- B -- C -- D -- E -- F -- G -- H -- I -- J -- K -- L -- M -- N -- O -- P -- Q -- R -- S -- T -- U -- V -- W -- Y -- Z.

Political and administrative changes in the occupied territory of Poland between 1939 and 1945 -- Political migrations in Polish lands in the years 1939-1950 -- The influence of the population movements on the development of the population size of post-war Poland and the transformation of its ethnic structure

Steady political polarization since the late 1970s ranks among the most consequential transformations of American politics—one with far-reaching consequences for governance, congressional performance, the legitimacy of the Supreme Court, and citizen perceptions of the stakes of party conflict and elections. Our understanding of this polarization critically depends on measuring it. Its measurement in turn began with the invention of the NOMINATE algorithm and the widespread adoption of its estimates of the ideal points of members of Congress. Although the NOMINATE project has not been immune from technical and conceptual critique, its impact on how we think about contemporary politics and its discontents has been extraordinary and has helped to stimulate the creation of several similar scores. In order to deepen appreciation of this broadly important intellectual phenomenon, we offer an intuitively accessible treatment of the mathematics and conceptual assumptions of NOMINATE. We also stress that NOMINATE scores are a major resource for understanding other eras in American political development (APD) besides the current great polarization. To illustrate this point, we introduce readers to Voteview, which provides two-dimensional snapshots of congressional roll calls, among other data that it generates. We conclude by sketching how APD scholarship might contribute to the contemporary polarization discussion. Placing polarization and depolarization in historical perspective may powerfully illuminate whether, how, and why our current polarization might recede.

A basic principle of good government is that politics should be restricted to the input side, whereas the bureaucracy should operate independently of political considerations. However, previous literature documents an implementation gap between unitary political aims and varied local outcomes, which occasionally can be attributed to political reasons; both bureaucratic ideology and that local political constituencies can shape implementation and affect outcome. So far, however, research has neglected the question of whether one of these effects is conditioned by the other. This article presents original data on the political orientation of public employees in the Swedish Social Insurance Administration that allow these two factors to be tested together for the first time. The main finding is that neither the bureaucratic ideology nor the political orientation of the local community independently affects the outcome but that the real effect of political ideology on implementation takes the form of an interaction effect between the two. This interaction effect visualizes so that a rightward shift in bureaucratic ideology significantly reduces the number of annual sick leave days per capita when the political orientation of the local community is right leaning. Hence, political ideology only affects welfare state outcome by restricting policy implementation in a situation in which restrictive public employees are positioned in restrictive local communities. Adapted from the source document.

: In this article, we shall briefly analyze the extent to which the contemporary political theories (ideologies) are being applied or implemented in parts of the statutes of some political parties in Republic of Macedonia. Here, we shall discuss only about fragments of the statutes of four political parties, two right oriented and two left oriented. To be more precise, we shall discuss about parts of the statutes of VMRO – DPMNE, SDSM, Obedineti za Makedonija (OM) and LEVICA (LV) and the extent to which they apply the theories (ideologies) which they declare that they are based upon. Previously we shall provide two brief explanations about what political theories and political parties indicate, which I believe should be and introduction to the subject we are about to cover. Key words: ideology, aims, members, bodies, organizational structure.