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Debates about Muslim societies have intensified in the last four decades, triggered by the 1979 Islamic Revolution in Iran and 9/11. At the heart of these assumptions is Muslim exceptionalism: the idea that Muslims think and behave differently from other faith communities. This book debunks this flawed notion by looking at religious trends in Iran since 1979.

AbstractThe underlying assumption in this paper is that autonomy and accountability are both fundamental prerequisites for the effective functioning of state‐owned enterprises. The paper first examines the traditional, dichotomous approach to the autonomy‐accountability conundrum. This approach posits the relationship as process oriented, pervasive, quantitative and based ona prioricontrols. A more recent view of control and accountability asa posteriori, qualitative, strategic, results‐oriented and non‐zero sum is then briefly analysed. The paper presents a review of the theory and practice of performance contracts (PC) as tools to implement the latter approach. Three basic models of PCs—Senegal'scontratplan, Pakistan's signalling system and India's memorandum of understanding—have been analysed, comparing the negotiating process, major players, substantive elements and results. Thecontratplan is more of a legal document, at least in formal terms, than the other two. None of the three models, however, provides any sanctions in case of a violation of the contract by the governments. Although the Indian and Pakistani PCs appeared to be more successful than the Senegalese contracts, the relationship between financial performance and performance contracts remains far from conclusive. In all the three countries, the contracts have failed to provide a single window through which government‐enterprise interface can be effectively managed. Thus the problem of multiple principals and single agents remains unresolved.

Microcredit and poverty alleviation : pluses and minuses -- The Bangladesh economy and poverty in Bangladesh -- The rural financial structure and the Grameen Bank -- -- Economic impact of Grameen microcredit -- Poverty alleviation impact of Grameen microcredit

427Sea — Historic bays — Status as internal waters — Doctrine of ancient title — Distinguished from doctrine of historic waters — Ancient title requiring clear original title through effective occupation, occurring before principle of freedom of high seas enshrined in international law, fortified by long usage — Whether Commonwealth of Massachusetts entitled to claim Nantucket Sound as inland waters by virtue of doctrine of ancient title — Extent of acts of sovereign and colonists necessary to demonstrate occupation — Effect of inconsistent prior acts by sovereignTreaties — Interpretation — Convention on the Territorial Sea and Contiguous Zone, 1958, Article 7(6) — Doctrine of ancient title — Whether exception in Convention for historic bays embraces claim of ancient title — Whether Nantucket Sound constitutes historic bay by virtue of ancient title and therefore inland waters of Commonwealth of Massachusetts — The law of the United States

"Koranschule von Demonstranten gestürmt" - "Großayatollah mit dem Tode bedroht" - "Religionsphilosoph von Schlägertrupps verprügelt" - so lauteten Schlagzeilen in der iranischen Presse. Sie stammen nicht etwa aus der Regierungszeit des 1979 durch die Islamische Revolution gestürzten Mohammad Reza Pahlavi (1919-1980), sondern sind nur wenige Jahre alt. Sie beschreiben, was in der Islamischen Republik geschah. Es war bekannt, daß die Schlägertrupps der Hezbollah gegen Rapmusik, Alkohol und freizügig gekleidete Frauen zu Felde ziehen. Aber daß sie nun auch theologische Hochschulen stürmen, ist neu. Fast alltäglich sind hingegen inzwischen die Attacken gegen Abdolkarim Sorush (geb. 1945) geworden. All diese Ereignisse stehen in Zusammenhang mit einer ungewöhnlichen Entwicklung: Zum ersten Mal seit der Revolution zeichnen sich in Iran Konturen einer breiten islamischen Oppositionsbewegung ab. Ehemalige Islamisten hinterfragen den Islamismus der Islamischen Republik. Die herausragenden Vertreter dieser Bewegung waren an der Islamischen Revolution beteiligt, sind aber mittlerweile die wichtigsten Kritiker des revolutionären Systems. Das Spektrum dieser Strömung ist breit. Auf die Öffnung des Systems drängen revolutionsmüde Linksislamisten, Anhänger des mystischen Islams, rebellische Theologen wie der Groß-Ayatollah Montazeri und Technokraten innerhalb des Regimes. Umso heftiger fällt die Reaktion des herrschenden Teils des religiösen Establishments aus. Ihr Unmut richtet sich vor allem gegen die Symbolfigur des liberalen Islam, gegen Sorush. In ihm meinten westliche Journalisten und Wissenschaftler einen "iranischen Luther" zu erkennen. Der Vergleich ist irreführend und riskant. Sorush hat nicht die geistesgeschichtliche Bedeutung von Martin Luther, außerdem gefährden ihn solche Vergleiche in Iran. Doch davon abgesehen ist Sorush sicher der bekannteste zeitgenössische iranische Denker, der versucht, ein politisches System zu begründen, das sowohl islamisch als auch demokratisch ist. Als Grundlage seiner Theorie zur Vereinbarung von Islam und Demokratie nutzt Sorush Ansätze anderer, vor allem westlicher Wissenschaften: Epistemologie und Hermeneutik dienen ihm als Grundlage einer Neuinterpretation des Glaubens, in der Islam und Demokratie keine unüberwindbaren Gegensätze sind. Aber trotz seiner neuen Argumentationsmethode bleibt Sorushs Diskurs islamisch, Sorush transportiert seine Argumente in ein religiöses Bezugssystem. Als dem wichtigsten Theoretiker der geforderten Reformen verdienen die Ideen Sorushs Aufmerksamkeit. Außerdem soll das Buch den Einfluß Sorushs auf die gegenwärtig sich bahnbrechende iranische Reformbewegung beleuchten. Denn seine Traditionskritik wird eingehend rezipiert, aus ihr erwachsen in der Islamischen Republik konkrete politische Forderungen und Ziele.

Corruption is an extraordinary crime because of its negative impact on the aspects of community life. People who have been infected by this deadly virus would die slowly but surely. This crime has a tremendous potential to cause misery, destitution and suffering of many people, especially the lower class people who do not have access to the power and economy; those who would have their rights only if they were given by the state. Corruption is a modern term whose synonym could not be found in the Islamic legal literature. However, by recognizing the elements contained, the term in Islamic criminal law is closely related to theft (sariqah), bribery (risywah), embezzlement of property (ghulul) and robbery (hirabah) with different legal sanctions. Corruption occurs because of many factors such as materialistic-consumerism lifestyle, costly political system, weak leadership, lack of religious and ethical education, social and legal systems that support corrupt behaviors. To eradicate corruption, repressive ways can be done through the penal system as well as preventive efforts through non penal system.

The position between men and women should not be a common thing, even the difference between men and women in work is no longer in question, so women are no longer considered, so women are no longer considered as figures in charge of taking care of children, husbands and households only. In accordance with the development of the times make society change its perspective on the role and position of women who are in the midst of society, so many men and women who have careers in modern life many women can work and have a career well in social, cultural, economic and political. The study aims to answer the question that formulaizes the problem: "how does women impact careers on families of Islamic legal perspectives." This study uses qualitative research, data collected by observation, interview (interview), documentation then analyzed with descriptive methods of analysis. As for the results of this study: there are many factors that affect women's careers, one of which is because they want to help in pre-economic and obligation issues. There are also negative and positive impacts of career women for the family one of the negative impacts is the lack of time of the wife with the family, and less socializing with the surrounding community. Its positive impact helps in pre-economic, and enhances insight. Islam does not forbid women to make a career as long as it does not cause madaratan but if women have a career with the reason to hoard as much wealth as they do not pay attention to the things that are forbidden by the Shari'ah then obviously the woman of the career is forbidden.