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The Situationist International (SI) have become a canonical reference point when discussing artists' participation in political action or activism. This article attempts to decentre the SI from this position, by tracing their theories and representations of political agency and labour. I argue that their notion of agency is deeply conflicted, epitomized by the dual invocations 'never work/all power to the workers' councils. I examine how the SI's representations of agency betray an attraction to and fascination with 1960s reactionary fantasies around brainwashing, conditioning, control and torture. Their practical descriptions of a constructed situation, which 'makes people live' are, in fact, closer to torturous state control than total liberation. The notions of agency they mobilise draw on colonial and classist sources, which actually deny the agency of radical movements. As a result, the SI produce a series of weak fantasies of participation, in which agency is denied and 'demanding the impossible' is actually a demand to constitute and police the impossible. Artistic-political agency was both guarded centre and constituent other. The SI's policing of their identity, tied in name to the agency of 'situations', involved the ongoing exclusion and repression of other artists' more practically-engaged labour within social movements.

International audience ; The educational and methodological manual is devoted to the main issues of modern world politics and international relations. In particular, the main trends in the development of world politics are analyzed through the prism of the main theories of international relations, such as: political realism, liberalism, neorealism and neoliberalism, as well as constructivism and feminism. Along with this, the manual introduces the regional and global developments in the post-Soviet space, Europe, the Middle East, as well as in the Asia-Pacific, Latin American and African regions. Special emphasis is placed on the geopolitical priorities of Armenia and the South Caucasus. The course ends with lectures on the technological developments of our time, their impact on international relations, as well as models for the formation of a strategy for a secure Future. ; Учебно-методическое пособие посвящено основным проблемам современной мировой политики и международных от-ношений. В частности, главные тенденции развития мировой политики анализируются сквозь призму основных теорий между-народных отношений – таких, как: политический реализм, либерализм, неореализм и неолиберализм, а также конструктивизм и феминизм. Наряду с этим, пособие знакомит с региональными и глобальными развитиями на постсоветском пространстве, Европе, Ближнем Востоке, а также в Азиатско-Тихоокеанском, Латиноамериканском и Африканском регионах. Особый акцент ставится на геополитические приоритеты Армении и Южного Кавказа. Курс завершается лекциями, посвященными технологическим развитиям современности, их влиянию на международные отношения, а также моделям формирования стратегии безопасного Будущего.

This research aims to show the extent of change of the provisions of Islamic politics in terms of the concept, and rooting, and the limits of change, and controls, with some revenue models his contemporary, through inductive and descriptive analytical method. A highlight reached researchers to work in politics legitimacy does not come haphazardly, but based on the principles and rules of legitimacy and enjoined certain controls, and that its provisions variable depending on the change of interests and objectives legitimate force when taken at the parish to manage their own affairs and protect their religious and worldly interests.

This book, newly available in paperback, argues for greater openness in the ways we approach human rights and international rights promotion, and in so doing brings some new understanding to old debates. Starting with the realities of abuse rather than the liberal architecture of rights, it casts human rights as a language for probing the political dimensions of suffering. Seen in this context, the predominant Western models of rights generate a substantial but also problematic and not always emancipatory array of practices. These models are far from answering the questions about the nature of political community that are raised by the systemic infliction of suffering. Rather than a simple message from 'us' to 'them', then, rights promotion is a long and difficult conversation about the relationship between political organisations and suffering. Three case studies are explored - the Tiananmen Square massacre, East Timor's violent modern history and the circumstances of indigenous Australians. The purpose of these discussions is not to elaborate on a new theory of rights, but to work towards rights practices that are more responsive to the spectrum of injury that we inflict and endure. The book is a valuable and innovative contribution to rights debates for students of international politics, political theory, and conflict resolution, as well as for those engaged in the pursuit of human rights.

"Exploring divergences in the choice of neoliberal policies by labour party governments in New Zealand, Australia, and Britain, this book challenges common explanations of the embrace of neoliberalism by social democratic parties. It argues that the diminishing influence of labour unions within these parties is the result of a lack of strategy on the part of the union movement itself. Be it due to a lack of interest by the unions in engaging in politics or a passivity resulting from years of anti-union Conservative rule, Union interests particularly in New Zealand and Great Britain have been neglected by party leadership when formulating policies. In contrast, it poses the Australian example as one in which the unions were sufficiently united, disciplined, and strategically minded to ensure that a Labor Party government integrated them into the making of policy. The book lays bare the Australasian "roots" of Britain's New Labour era. In an age in which the macroeconomic, industrial, and social policies of social democratic parties have so often moved to the right, this book asks the question: how can trade unions retain some measure of control over the policies of the parties that are ostensibly theirs"--

"The revival of liberal thought in France during the 1970s and 1980s is one of the most remarkable developments in contemporary European intellectual history, yet it remains surprisingly understudied. In this book, British, American, and French scholars offer a fresh take on France's late twentieth-century liberal revival and examines how neo-liberalism in France developed and influenced contemporary French politics and policy. The book opens with a critical introduction which defines the notion of a French liberal renaissance, examines the existing historiography, and sets out the new questions which the contributors to this volume have sought to address. The ideological heterogeneity of the liberal renaissance is explored in Part I, which examines the origins and orientations of its left, centrist, and conservative variants. Part II critiques the liberal revival and reconsiders the significance of two figures whose work informed it: François Furet and Michel Foucault. The final part of the book examines how the neo-liberalism of the Chicago and Austrian schools of economic thought was repackaged for French audiences, and examines the emergence of new forms of French anti-liberalism which emerged in response. The book concludes with an epilogue which considers the legacy of the liberal revival in contemporary France"--

There are two remarkable features of post-independence


economic policy-making in Zimbabwe: the very limited nature of the changes


made by the new government in 1980, and the complete reversal of

policy announced in 1990. It was surprising that a more radical

transformation had not been introduced soon after independence,

since this had been achieved by a civil war prompted not only by

the denial of even basic rights to the majority of the population, but


also by an extremely inequitable distribution of economic resources.

The volte-face in 1990 was also unexpected, because it required a

repudiation of governmental rhetoric at a time when the economy was

by no means in a state of crisis, even though under stress. This article


attempts to understand these policy shifts.

AbstractSupport for social distancing measures was, globally, high at the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic but increasingly came under pressure. Focusing on the UK, this article provides a rigorous exploration of the drivers of public support for social distancing at their formative stage, via mixed methods. Synthesizing insights from crisis management and securitization theory, thematic analysis is employed to map the main frames promoted by the government and other actors on the nature/severity, blame/responsibility, and appropriate response to the pandemic, which 'follows the science'. The impact of these on public attitudes is examined via a series of regression analyses, drawing on a representative survey of the UK population (n = 2100). Findings challenge the prevailing understanding that support for measures is driven by personal health considerations, socio-economic circumstances, and political influences. Instead, crisis framing dynamics, which the government is well-positioned to dominate, have the greatest impact on driving public attitudes.

Support for social distancing measures was, globally, high at the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic but increasingly came under pressure. Focusing on the UK, this article provides a rigorous exploration of the drivers of public support for social distancing at their formative stage, via mixed methods. Synthesizing insights from crisis management and securitization theory, thematic analysis is employed to map the main frames promoted by the government and other actors on the nature/severity, blame/responsibility, and appropriate response to the pandemic, which 'follows the science'. The impact of these on public attitudes is examined via a series of regression analyses, drawing on a representative survey of the UK population (n = 2100). Findings challenge the prevailing understanding that support for measures is driven by personal health considerations, socio-economic circumstances, and political influences. Instead, crisis framing dynamics, which the government is well-positioned to dominate, have the greatest impact on driving public attitudes.

First paragraph: Hegemony is a term both elusive and recurrent. It provides a theory of the social for a world in which all universalizing truth narratives have lost their fantasmatic hold over our lives and, in their withdrawal, we are forced to confront the fictions that they in fact always represented. In a certain sense, hegemony theory is the fiction of social fiction; a fiction designed to account for the groundlessness of the social imaginaries with which we construct our respective worlds. It is a term with particular currency in the field of Cultural Studies, where the emergence of the concept as part of a new methodological practice in the study of politics at the University of Essex (among scholars such as the young Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe), and its reception in the Birmingham Contemporary Centre of Cultural Studies (particularly in the writings of Stuart Hall), makes it a fundamental part of what Fredric Jameson once called, not without a hint of irony, the "desire" of Cultural Studies (1993, 17). Indeed, Jon Beasley-Murray has gone as far as to say that hegemony theory should today be considered the "master trope of cultural studies" (2010, 39).