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Frontmatter -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction. Challenges to the Double Disadvantage Theory -- PART I. Attitudinal Advantages for Latinas -- 1. Gender and Racial Attitudes in Politics -- 2. Positive Interaction of Gender and Race/Ethnicity -- PART II. Political and Electoral Advantages for Latinas -- 3. Predicting Latina Political Office-holding -- 4. Diverse State Legislators in Texas -- 5. Diverse State Legislators in California -- Conclusion. Explanations for Latina Political Success -- Appendix -- Bibliography -- Index

"Information Technologies and the Global Political Economy" published on by Oxford University Press.

Recent years have witnessed an upsurge of political readings of the right to have rights. The gist of the argument is that this right only comes into being in the act of claiming or taking it. At the same time, the political reading suffers from a normative lacuna which is difficult to ignore if right is not to collapse into might. The present article seeks to show that this normative lacuna can be accounted for if one situates the political reading in relation to a certain form of government. Acknowledging Montesquieu's influence on Arendt's resort to the principles which guide political action, the article offers a new interpretation of the normative basis of the right to have rights. It argues, first, that this right is democratic, not political, and second, that the principle which sets the right in motion is responsibility, not freedom. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright holder.]

I was motivated to consider the topics of this paper by repeatedly encountering the same problems in pondering the history of economic thought, not only in my own work but when retereeing papers and reading the publications of others. The problems that I will consider are important because they involve fundamental issues in the selections and representations we make of the history of economic thought. I do not have solutions for all of the problems, nor do I believe that each of them has a single solution. My objective in this address is not precisely to solve the problems, although I will suggest some ways of dealing with some of them. My purpose rather is to identify the problems in a clear way and to review how they have been treated in order to provide a common basis for further discussion. They can be divided into technical problems and problems of approach.

Frontmatter -- Summary of Contents -- Preface -- Full Table of Contents: List of Documents -- General Introduction / Loth, Wilfried -- Part One: Documents of Transnational Pro-European Pressure Groups -- I. The European Union of Federalists (EUF) / Hick, Alan -- II. The European Parliamentary Union (EPU) / Gisch, Heribert -- III. The European League for Economic Co-operation (ELEC) / Gisch, Heribert -- IV. The Mouvement Socialiste pour les États-Unis d'Europe (MSEUE) / Loth, Wilfried -- V. The 'European Movement' / Hick, Alan -- Part Two: Documents of Transnational Organizations of Political Parties and Trade Unions -- I. The Socialist International / Loth, Wilfried -- II. The 'Nouvelles Équipes Internationales' (NEI) of the Christian Democrats / Gisch, Heribert -- III. The World Federation of Trade Unions (WTU) and the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) / Loth, Wilfried -- Part Three: European Union in Public Opinion Polls, 1945-50 / Vielemeier, Ludger -- Note on Contributors -- Name Index -- Subject Index -- Backmatter

THIS ARTICLE DEVELOPS A POLITICAL ECONOMIC MODEL WHICH ALLOWS US TO UNDERSTAND THE DECISION MAKING PROCESS BEHIND THE FORMULATION AND IMPLEMENTATION OF A TRADE POLICY. WHEN APPLIED TO THE CASE OF THE PHILIPPINES, THIS MODEL REVEALS THE INTERACTIONS BETWEEN THE GOVERNMENT, THE PRESSURE GROUPS SUPPORTING THE EXPORT PROMOTION STRATEGY (SUCH AS THE LAND HOLDERS, TECHNOCRATES, PRODUCERS OF MANUFACTURED GOODS, IMF, WORLD BANK AND GOVERNMENT OF INDUSTRIALIZED COUNTRIES) AND THOSE SUPPORTING IMPORT SUBSTITUTION STRATEGY (SUCH AS THE LOCAL INVESTOR, PEASANTS AND LABOR UNION).

This article explores apocalyptic theology in four American extremist religions: Christian Identity; Nordic Christianity and Odinism; violent, "freewheeling" fundamentalism; and Creatorism. It is argued that violent eschatology interacts with criminology in the sense that politicized religions produce criminal behavior and, at times, terrorism. A brief history of the relationship between religion and racist violence is presented as well as an analysis of the social factors that produce political eschatology. The article concludes with an examination of religious terrorism and technological weapons. Mass destruction is the greatest threat of religiously motivated terrorism.