Suchergebnisse

AbstractThe scholarly literature on paradiplomacy has tended to focus overly on subnational governments in federal systems rather than those in unitary and centralized countries. However, it is important to note that some subnational governments in these countries have been increasingly proactive in international relations (IR). This study explores the paradiplomatic activities of Yunnan, a province in the south of China which, since the early 1990s, has actively engaged in cross-border cooperation. Combining the concept of paradiplomacy with the theory of actorness, this study first argues that Yunnan has been incentivized to conduct paradiplomacy through the decision of Beijing to open China's borders; the inefficiency of the central government in managing border-related issues; and the interprovincial competition over economic and diplomatic clouts in the Mekong subregion. Second, this study argues that Yunnan's new external affairs powers have been consolidated by a host of new opportunities stemming from the external environment. Third, it argues that Yunnan's new external affairs powers have enabled it to leverage two broad instruments (infrastructure development and economic statecraft) to make neighboring countries more dependent on cooperation with it. And finally, it is argued that Yunnan's role as an IR player has been acknowledged both by neighboring countries and by Beijing.

In der Weltgesundheitsorganisation (WHO) liegen derzeit zwei wichtige Vorhaben an, die zu einem neuen Pandemievertrag und einer Reform der Internationalen Gesundheitsvorschriften von 2005 führen können. Mindestens zwei große Herausforderungen stehen dabei im Vordergrund: Wie kann bei der künftigen weltweiten Verteilung medizinischer Güter im Krisenfall eine globale Gesundheitsgerechtigkeit ("Equity") hergestellt werden? Wie können die Anreize erhöht werden, damit Informationen über Krankheitsausbrüche künftig rascher und transparenter ausgetauscht werden? Es ist durchaus möglich, Synergien zu erzeugen, um die beiden Herausforderungen effektiver anzugehen. (Autorenreferat)

This work aims to compare the enlargement policies of France and Germany, which are regarded as the leaders of the EU and whose policies are assumed to have a significant impact on other states within the Union. Additional to the political significance, these two countries are among the founding members of the Union and have been part of every of the seven enlargement rounds. Besides similarities, there is also a significant difference between these two states in their approach to the expansion of the EU. While France acts as an enlargement skeptic, Germany acts as a supporter of the widening process. The general hypothesis is that the enlargement policies of these two states are determined by the perceived costs and benefits of such policy.

Many governments are reluctant to submit disputes voluntarily to the International Court of Justice for binding adjudication. Only a few disputes are brought to the Court with the current agreement of all the parties. When that happens, no matter what the technical basis for the Court's jurisdiction may be—acompromis, compulsory jurisdiction, or a compromissory clause in a substantive international agreement or an optional protocol—the Court's jurisdiction is unlikely to be questioned. When the respondent state does not wish the dispute to be submitted to the Court, however, the applicant state must compel adjudication by relying on jurisdiction founded upon the respondent state's consent given in the past. Consent may be found in declarations accepting the compulsory jurisdiction of the Court provided for in Article 36(2) of its Statute. Alternatively, such consent may be found under Articles 36(1) or 37, which permit jurisdiction to be based on compromissory clauses.

Diskussion der Besonderheiten der Entscheidung des Internationalen Gerichtshofs am 22.12.86 über den Grenzstreit zwischen Burkina und Mali. Herangezogen werden: die historische Entwicklung der kolonialen Grenzziehung, die OAU-Position der Unantastbarkeit der geerbten Staatsgrenzen, das Kompromißprotokoll beider Staaten von Bamako vom 16.9.83. Verweis auf den besonderen Charakter der angewandten Rechtsgrundsätze. (DÜI-Wsl)

This paper examines strategic incentives to subsidize green energy in a group of countries that operates an international carbon emissions trading scheme. Welfare-maximizing national governments have the option to discriminate against energy from fossil fuels by subsidizing green energy, although in our model green energy promotion is not efficiency enhancing. The cases of small and large countries turn out to exhibit significantly differences. While small countries refrain from subsidizing green energy and thus implement the efficient allocation, large permit-importing countries subsidize green energy in order to influence the permit price in their favor.