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As Work, Employment & Society enters its 21st year, the co-Editors of WES for 2005—2007 take stock of the recent progress of the Journal, as shown by three main trends: regular upward growth in submissions; pluralism in terms of theory, method, and disciplinary contribution; and increasing internationalisation of the readership, author base, substantive coverage, and reputation of WES. Key features of the Journal which are believed to have contributed both to the successful establishment of the Journal in the first place and to its continuing high achievement are identified: collegiate ethos, reliance on in-house peer review, an active Editorial Board, and insistence on meaningful feed-back to authors.

This essay discusses interdisciplinary research in the context of science policy and the practice of science. Comparisons between interdisciplinary research and other forms of cross-disciplinary research are made, and a brief discussion of the development of the concept of interdisciplinarity is provided. The overarching thesis of this essay is that interdisciplinary research is team research, that is, research conducted by a team. This notion is developed via recent policy discussions of team science and the need to understand interdisciplinary research in action. The author shows how it may be possible to consider the implementation of principles from teamwork and team training to improve interdisciplinary research and the practice of team science.

This article challenges the idea that a centralized administrative infrastructure, a common citizenship, and the resulting national belonging run in the same direction in state transformations. Comparing two Ottoman provinces of Edirne and Ankara, the author argues that community networks influence local responses to administrative centralization and national identity formation. In the province of Edirne, dense communal networks that bridged religious and ethnic boundaries maintained local cooperation with state centralization, whereas dense relations within religious and ethnic communities contributed to the failure of the formation of Ottoman national identity. In the province of Ankara, the lack of dense relations connecting different communities prevented reform success in both administrative and ideological dimensions.

ABSTRACTAlbert O. Hirschman is the author of seminal, but prima facie unconnected contributions to the social sciences ('exit–voice', 'linkages'). Yet, his main originality lies in his general approach to problem‐solving which is hidden behind the complexity of hisoeuvre. This article intends to disentangle the intricacies of his work and to reveal his specific mode of investigation by making the multifaceted biographical influences on Hirschman's scholarly writings visible. Exhibiting the influence that decisive moments in his life had on his work not only allows us to identify and define his method of 'possibilism': it also shows that this approach remains a valid and useful multidisciplinary tool for unorthodox contemporary social analysis.

Using data from the 1996 National Black Election Study, this study examines the extent of non-electoral activism in the post—civil rights era. Specifically looking at attending a political rally, signing a petition, attending a protest, and participating in picketing and boycotting, the author finds that membership in organizations with an African American—focused agenda and membership in community-based organizations are important facilitators of non-electoral activism among Blacks. An important finding is that, in the modern context, religiosity in the African American community works to suppress non-electoral political involvement. These findings are important because they suggest that the historical image of the Black church as an incubator of an oppositional political culture is no longer accurate.

The article examines a 30-year experience of collective ethnography in the sugarcane plantations of Brazil's Northeast. Over this period, the research group has worked in different temporal and spatial contexts, continually exchanging its findings. The author draws on her experience as part of the research group in order to focus on the conditions of entering the field, the seasonal variations and geographic displacements, the research group's morphology and the overall implications for anthropological knowledge. Debates over ethnography have neglected the relationship between the social conditions in which anthropologists carry out their work and what they are able to write about the social world. This article sets out to fill this gap.

E-mail has become one of the most common means of office communication. It has also become a risky and potentially costly mode of communication. A well-written e-mail policy is a major safeguard for employers against the intentional and unintentional abuse of office e-mail privileges. A growing body of literature offers suggestions on the essential components of an e-mail policy. In this article, the author compares the 50 states' e-mail policies with these components to assess their adequacy. Only two states' e-mail policies have 10 of the 11 components. Furthermore, none of the states' policies clarify the grievance process for e-mail policy violations.

While there are undoubtedly real barriers to men doing research on women, these barriers loom larger than they are. Despite the deconstruction of essentialized gender categories, the anthropology of gender and women continue to be the domain of women. This reflexive account of anthropological fieldwork among women in Benin documents the mistakes and successes the author has experienced, while arguing that the challenges exist not only in the field setting, but in the Academy and in the ethnographer's mind. The essay concludes with a plea to reinvigorate the anthropology of gender by attending to the possibilities for men to understand women's lives both through interaction with men as well as with women.

AbstractNo Child Left Behind (NCLB), the reauthorization of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act, was passed in 2002. This legislation broadly states federal policy regarding education and is situated within the historical context of Lyndon Johnson's Great Society programs. Like any federal legislation, NCLB consists of the legislation itself but also the procedures established by the U.S. Department of Education and interpretations of the legislation at the local education‐authority level. The author describes two of the four pillars of the legislation most relevant for evaluators: accountability requirements and application of rigorous scientific research. With the impending reauthorization of NCLB, possible changes to the legislation are discussed. © Wiley Periodicals, Inc.

The article describes the policies, legislation, institutional structures and programmes of the developmental welfare system for physically disabled people in South Africa that have developed since 1994. In so doing, it examines resources and constraints and suggests ways in which improvements might be made following the experiences in the first 12 years of social development in South Africa. The author believes that it is timely to pursue this topic given the barriers experienced on the ground where social developers are attempting to empower and improve the circumstances of physically disabled people. Thus, this article should be of interest to policy makers, social planners, practitioners, human rights activists and disabled people alike.

This article analyzes three paradigms of oppression that are influential in progressive approaches in educational research: oppression as cultural hegemony, oppression as capitalist accumulation, and oppression as discursive effect. It argues that these different models, and their strengths and weaknesses, are connected to different philosophical standpoints (ways of understanding reality and criteria of truth that are historically and socially situated). Faced with the intractability of educational injustices, it is necessary to bring the power of diverse critical positions together. The author proposes the construction of a "compound standpoint," grounded in a materialist framework, and describes how oppression can be understood more richly and accurately from this position.

The Right has done much of its work in the name of scientific "objectivity," wildly deploying a popular discourse around "the real world" to achieve a range of specific ends. Complicating this are the long-standing critiques of "objectivity" and "reality" itself among many on the Left. Although such critiques can help us unmask some of these agendas, they leave us little space to contest them in new ways, to offer our own counterclaims about the "the real world" and its demands. The author suggests here that progressives can usefully interrupt this Rightist discourse by revisiting "common sense" connections between research methodology and epistemological orientation- particularly those around quantitative methodology.

The article explores the case of youth travel in modern Russia. Free-traveling is conceptualized as a spatial practice which is a set of techniques that allows young people to gain access to foreign space and in foreign space. The issue of free-traveling is problematized in the context of spatial dimension of social exclusion of young people — access and its physical, financial and information aspects. The concept of spatial practice is proposed to explain how young people struggle with information, financial and physical limitations of access. Through the analysis of free-traveling the author intends to show how young people in Russia cope with the issue of access.

El autor pretende analizar la relación que existe entre la formación de la identidad social y el concepto de la hegemonía política en el pensamiento de Laclau. Al mismo tiempo se plantea el concepto "democracia radical" como un estado de equilibrio inestable entre las demandas de mayor igualdad y las demandas de mayor libertad. ; The author seeks to analyze the relationship that exists between the formation of the social identity and the concept of the political hegemony in Laclau's thought. At the same time he thinks about the concept "radical democracy" as a state of unstable balance between the demands of more equality and the demands of more freedom.

The Annual Congress of the German Economic Association has become one of the largest national meetings of professional economists. The contributed papers at the Congress undergo a rigorous and competitive selection procedure where only about one half of all submissions are accepted for presentation. We analyze this selection process based on data from the Congresses held between 2005 and 2008. We find that the acceptance decision depends on the previous publication record of the submitting author and on the institution with which (s)he is affiliated. Moreover, the status of being a professor increases the likelihood of acceptance, whereas completion of a Ph.D.~degree, or even a habilitation, does not.