Suchergebnisse

En este artículo se presentan algunos aspectos significativos de las investigaciones histórico-etnográficas realizadas por las autoras en los últimos quince años, en escenarios escolares y barrios de la ciudad de Buenos Aires y su conurbación. El objetivo principal es problematizar los procesos escolares y educativos vinculados a las mayorías populares de la Argentina, tomando tres ejes de análisis interconectados. Primero, se hace referencia a las modalidades que caracterizaban la relación entre familias y escuelas a comienzos del siglo actual (que se habían gestado en las últimas décadas del siglo XX), y a las formas en que las políticas sociales de cada momento atravesaban la vida cotidiana escolar y barrial, así como eran apropiadas y significadas por los docentes, las familias y los académicos. Luego, se presentan las formas hegemónicas de representar la relación entre las familias y las escuelas en la actualidad, que la han constituido como una problemática social, caracterizada por particulares requerimientos y demandas tanto para las escuelas como para las familias. Asimismo, se incorpora la presencia de múltiples prácticas y sentidos desplegados por sus protagonistas en su cotidianeidad, que tensionan esas demandas, y articulan con los procesos políticos de mayor generalidad. Finalmente, se puntualizan estas prácticas y sentidos tomando en cuenta las tramas organizativas locales, mostrando los modos en que los procesos escolares y educativos son llevados adelante por múltiples actores sociopolíticos vinculados a diversas formas de acción colectiva, en donde lo escolar se dirime incluyendo y –a la vez- avanzando más allá de la escuela. ; This article presents certain meaningful features of the historic-ethnographic investigations carried out by its authors over the past fifteen years in schools and neighborhoods of the City of Buenos Aires and its suburbs. The article aims mainly to question the educational and schooling processes of popular majorities in Argentina, considering three interconnected lines of analysis. First, we refer to way the relation between families and schools was characterized at the beginning of the present century - a mode originated in the late twentieth century – and the social policies of each moment were experienced in the everyday life of schools and neighborhoods, as well as how they were appropriated and signified by teachers, families and scholars. We then present the current hegemonic representations of the relationship between families and schools. These representations have constituted such relationship as a social problem, characterized by specific requirements and demands for schools and for families. We also include multiple practices and meanings that unfold in everyday life, which put a strain on these demands, and relate to larger political processes. Finally, we focus on these practices and meanings considering local organizational networks, showing the way educational and school processes are carried out by multiple socio-political actors linked to different forms of collective action, in which schooling issues are worked out including and at the same time going beyond school.

According to the Eurobarometer report about EU media use of May 2018, the number of European citizens who consult on-line social networks for accessing information is considerably increasing. In this work we analyse approximately 106 tweets exchanged during the last Italian elections held on March 4, 2018. Using an entropy-based null model discounting the activity of the users, we first identify potential political alliances within the group of verified accounts: if two verified users are retweeted more than expected by the non-verified ones, they are likely to be related. Then, we derive the users' affiliation to a coalition measuring the polarisation of unverified accounts. Finally, we study the bipartite directed representation of the tweets and retweets network, in which tweets and users are collected on the two layers. Users with the highest out-degree identify the most popular ones, whereas highest out-degree posts are the most "viral". We identify significant content spreaders with a procedure that allows to statistically validate the connections that cannot be explained by users' tweeting activity and posts' virality, using an entropy-based null model as benchmark. The analysis of the directed network of validated retweets reveals signals of the alliances formed after the elections, highlighting commonalities of interests before the event of the national elections.

This article analyzes the political uses of social media in Spain and the functions of digital communities that are generated through them. The 2018 European Social Survey for Spain, the General Elections Post-Election Study of November 2019 and the CIS Post-Election Barometer of the same election are used. In addition, almost half a million tweets are analyzed in response to the messages emitted on Twitter by the main candidates in the April elections. As a result, there is a polarized use of social networks to inform and participate. Also, the existence of two groups within the digital communities that carry out the orientation or discussion process. Likewise, as the date of the elections approaches, the dynamics of competition are not constructed based on the left-right logic, but on a government-opposition key. ; El presente artículo realiza una revisión sobre las funciones políticas y comunicativas de las comunidades digitales que se generan, principalmente, a través de las redes sociales. Utilizando más de un millón de tweets emitidos por los usuarios en las elecciones generales celebradas en España en abril de 2019, el postelectoral del CIS de ese mismo año y la Encuesta Social Europea, se ponen en discusión tres ideas principales: a) la estructuración de las comunidades, su dimensión, los niveles y categorías interiores; b) el proceso de orientación que permite realizar la fusión de agendas y la mediación a través del llamado "consumo incidental" de noticias; c) las dinámicas de competición política que se proponen, bien en clave ideológica, o bien en clave gobierno-oposición.

In presenting two perspectives through which SME networking can be discussed, namely a system view and a view that considers networks as entities, this paper aims to contribute to the current discourse on SME network resources. A network-level performance measurement system emphasizes win-win situations in a network between the leader company and the other members of the network. The main objective of the present paper is to develop a measurement system for analyzing the value of resources and competencies in a production network, which can be used to complement existing network-level performance measurement systems. By taking into account the resources in a network environment in this way, the value of the whole network and its resources comes to represent the sum of the resources fit with customer needs, the co-operation ability and willingness of the network, and the entrepreneurial capability of the network to create new business opportunities.

One of the positive impacts arising from technological developments is the ease in conveying aspirations and in obtaining information very quickly. The benefits of this technological development can be felt by all sectors, including the government sector which must protect the people and the state. In improving the quality of public services, the government must implement a government based on digital information technology. Therefore, the central and regional governments have provided online-based public complaint services. To improve the quality of service, the online complaint system must run optimally. The methods that are widely used to find the similarity of the complaint text are the cosine similarity method and the Artificial Neural Network (ANN) method for classifying complaint data. This study reviews the application of the two methods to determine the level of accuracy before it can be implemented in the online complaint system. The results of the review state that the Cosine Similarity method has an accuracy rate of 71.5% and ANN has an accuracy rate of 77%. While other method have an accuracy rate of 67%. From the percentage of this values, its can be concluded use of Cosine Similarity and ANN methods is feasible to use in classifying data in the Online Community Complaint System. ; Dampak positif yang ditimbulkan dari perkembangan teknologi salah satunya adalah kemudahan dalam menyampaikan aspirasi dan dalam mendapatkan informasi dengan sangat cepat. Manfaat dari perkembangan teknologi ini dapat dirasakan oleh semuassektor, termasuk sektor pemerintahan yang harus mengayomi masyarakat dan negara. Dalam meningkatkan kualitas pelayanan publik, pemerintah harus menerapkan pemerintahan yang berbasis teknologi informasi digital. Oleh karena itu, Pemerintah pusat maupun daerah telah menyediakan layanan pengaduan masyarakat yang berbasis online. Untuk meningkatkan kualitas pelayanan maka sistem pengaduan online harus berjalan dengan optimal. Metode yang banyak digunakan untuk mencari kemiripan teks pengaduan adalah metode cosine similarity dan metode Artificial Neural Network (ANN) untuk klasifikasi data pengaduan. Penelitian ini mereview penerapan kedua metode tersebut untuk mengetahui tingkat akurasinya sebelum dapat di implementasikan pada sistem pengaduan online. Hasil dari review menyatakan bahwa metode Cosine Similarity memiliki tingkat akurasi sebesar 71,5% dan ANN memiliki tingkat akurasi sebesar 77%. Sedangkan metode lainnya memiliki tingkat akurasi sebesar 67%. Dari presentase nilai tersebut dapat disimpulkan bahwa penggunaan metode Cosine Similarity dan ANN layak untuk digunakan dalam mengklasifikasikan data pada Sistem Pengaduan Masyarakat Online

International audience ; Economists have focused on job search and supply-side explanations for network effects in labour transactions. We develop and tests an alternative explanation for the high prevalence of network-based labour market entry in developing countries. In our theoretical framework, employers use employee networks as screening and incentive mechanisms to improve the quality of recruitment. Our framework suggests a negative relationship between network use and the skill intensity of jobs, a positive association between economic activity and network use and a negative relationship between network use and pro-labour legislation. Social identity effects are expected to intensify compared to information-sharing and other network mechanisms. Using data from an all-India Employment Survey we implement a novel empirical strategy to test these relationships and find support for our demand-side explanation.

International audience ; This book develops an international comparative approach to water conflicts in several American cities (USA, Mexico, Brazil, Peru, Bolivia). Struggles for water can be related to different issues: increase in water prices, installation of water catchment systems, negotiations of commissioning contracts, promotion of municipal plans for water delivery, etc. Such conflicts tend to structure coalitions which, in turn, influence policy-making; they impact local orders that are embedded at multiple levels of social practices; they involve most of the environmental and political institutions of a city or a country. In order to understand how these hydrocracies work, this book proposes a new framework of analysis taking into account the beliefs of the protagonists of the conflicts, their positions in the policy networks and their social characteristics.

International audience ; This book develops an international comparative approach to water conflicts in several American cities (USA, Mexico, Brazil, Peru, Bolivia). Struggles for water can be related to different issues: increase in water prices, installation of water catchment systems, negotiations of commissioning contracts, promotion of municipal plans for water delivery, etc. Such conflicts tend to structure coalitions which, in turn, influence policy-making; they impact local orders that are embedded at multiple levels of social practices; they involve most of the environmental and political institutions of a city or a country. In order to understand how these hydrocracies work, this book proposes a new framework of analysis taking into account the beliefs of the protagonists of the conflicts, their positions in the policy networks and their social characteristics.

International audience ; This book develops an international comparative approach to water conflicts in several American cities (USA, Mexico, Brazil, Peru, Bolivia). Struggles for water can be related to different issues: increase in water prices, installation of water catchment systems, negotiations of commissioning contracts, promotion of municipal plans for water delivery, etc. Such conflicts tend to structure coalitions which, in turn, influence policy-making; they impact local orders that are embedded at multiple levels of social practices; they involve most of the environmental and political institutions of a city or a country. In order to understand how these hydrocracies work, this book proposes a new framework of analysis taking into account the beliefs of the protagonists of the conflicts, their positions in the policy networks and their social characteristics.

International audience ; This book develops an international comparative approach to water conflicts in several American cities (USA, Mexico, Brazil, Peru, Bolivia). Struggles for water can be related to different issues: increase in water prices, installation of water catchment systems, negotiations of commissioning contracts, promotion of municipal plans for water delivery, etc. Such conflicts tend to structure coalitions which, in turn, influence policy-making; they impact local orders that are embedded at multiple levels of social practices; they involve most of the environmental and political institutions of a city or a country. In order to understand how these hydrocracies work, this book proposes a new framework of analysis taking into account the beliefs of the protagonists of the conflicts, their positions in the policy networks and their social characteristics.

International audience ; This book develops an international comparative approach to water conflicts in several American cities (USA, Mexico, Brazil, Peru, Bolivia). Struggles for water can be related to different issues: increase in water prices, installation of water catchment systems, negotiations of commissioning contracts, promotion of municipal plans for water delivery, etc. Such conflicts tend to structure coalitions which, in turn, influence policy-making; they impact local orders that are embedded at multiple levels of social practices; they involve most of the environmental and political institutions of a city or a country. In order to understand how these hydrocracies work, this book proposes a new framework of analysis taking into account the beliefs of the protagonists of the conflicts, their positions in the policy networks and their social characteristics.

International audience ; This book develops an international comparative approach to water conflicts in several American cities (USA, Mexico, Brazil, Peru, Bolivia). Struggles for water can be related to different issues: increase in water prices, installation of water catchment systems, negotiations of commissioning contracts, promotion of municipal plans for water delivery, etc. Such conflicts tend to structure coalitions which, in turn, influence policy-making; they impact local orders that are embedded at multiple levels of social practices; they involve most of the environmental and political institutions of a city or a country. In order to understand how these hydrocracies work, this book proposes a new framework of analysis taking into account the beliefs of the protagonists of the conflicts, their positions in the policy networks and their social characteristics.

International audience ; This book develops an international comparative approach to water conflicts in several American cities (USA, Mexico, Brazil, Peru, Bolivia). Struggles for water can be related to different issues: increase in water prices, installation of water catchment systems, negotiations of commissioning contracts, promotion of municipal plans for water delivery, etc. Such conflicts tend to structure coalitions which, in turn, influence policy-making; they impact local orders that are embedded at multiple levels of social practices; they involve most of the environmental and political institutions of a city or a country. In order to understand how these hydrocracies work, this book proposes a new framework of analysis taking into account the beliefs of the protagonists of the conflicts, their positions in the policy networks and their social characteristics.

International audience ; This book develops an international comparative approach to water conflicts in several American cities (USA, Mexico, Brazil, Peru, Bolivia). Struggles for water can be related to different issues: increase in water prices, installation of water catchment systems, negotiations of commissioning contracts, promotion of municipal plans for water delivery, etc. Such conflicts tend to structure coalitions which, in turn, influence policy-making; they impact local orders that are embedded at multiple levels of social practices; they involve most of the environmental and political institutions of a city or a country. In order to understand how these hydrocracies work, this book proposes a new framework of analysis taking into account the beliefs of the protagonists of the conflicts, their positions in the policy networks and their social characteristics.