Suchergebnisse

In the 1960s and 1970s, scholars interested in studying Latin American politics inevitably were drawn to the study of military coups d'etat and their causes. In the 1980s, a number of the countries in Latin America whose civilian political regimes were overthrown by military regimes may undergo or attempt to consolidate processes of democratization or redemocratization. Thus scholarly interest has tended to shift away from seeking to understand the causes for military overthrows of civilian regimes toward the study of prospects and processes of democratization or redemocratization in Latin America. In this context, the reexamination of earlier examples of durable transitions from authoritarian military regimes to civilian regimes may shed light on the relative importance of different factors in determining particular outcomes. This article carries out such a re-examination for the case of Colombia, analyzing the transition from rule by General Gustavo Rojas Pinilla (1953-1957) through the crucial period of the interim military junta (1957-1958) to the consociational National Front political regime.

Einstellungen zu Infrastrukturprojekten. Finanzierung der Infrastruktur. Infrastrukturprojekte und Bürgerbeteiligung. Einstellungen zur Energiewende. Digitaler Wandel.

Themen: 1. Wichtigkeit ausgewählter Politikfelder; Zufriedenheit mit zentralen Infrastrukturbereichen (Verkehr, Energie, Internet, Telefon und Datensicherheit).

2. Beurteilung der Infrastruktur am Wohnort: Einschätzung der Versorgung im eigenen Wohnort nach verschiedenen, infrastrukturellen Bereichen (z. B. Kinderbetreuung, medizinische Versorgung, Angebote an öffentlichen Verkehrsmitteln, Freizeiteinrichtungen etc.); erwartete Veränderungen in den kommenden Jahren in den vorgenannten infrastrukturellen Bereichen.

3. Notwendigkeit von Infrastrukturprojekten: Generelle Notwendigkeit eines Neu- bzw. Ausbaus der Infrastruktur in verschiedenen Bereichen (Windanlagen, Solaranlagen, Stromtrassen, Autobahnen, ICE-Trassen bzw. Fernzugtrassen, öffentlicher Personennahverkehr (ÖPNV), Flughäfen, Umgehungsstraßen, Radwege, Mobilfunkmasten, schnelle Internetverbindungen.); Gründe gegen einen Neu- bzw. Ausbau (ausreichender aktueller Bestand, starke Belastung von Mensch und Umwelt, hohe Kosten); Vertrauen eher zu privaten Unternehmen oder zum Staat bei der Durchführung von Infrastrukturprojekten.

4. Einstellungen zu Infrastrukturprojekten vor Ort: Einstellung zur Umsetzung von möglichen Infrastrukturprojekten in der eigenen Region (z. B. Ausbau den öffentlichen Personennahverkehrs, Bau von Windanlagen, Bau und Sanierung von Autobahnen).

5. Finanzierung der Infrastruktur: Einstellungen zur Finanzierung des Autobahnbaus- bzw. einer Autobahnsanierung; Einstellungen zur Finanzierung des ÖPNV; Einstellungen zur Finanzierung über Öffentlich-Private-Partnerschaften (ÖPP); Einstellungen zur Finanzierung des Internetausbaus; keine neuen Staatsschulden vs. neue Schulden für wichtige Infrastrukturprojekte; Meinung zur Umwandlung des Solidaritätszuschlags und Nutzung für die Instandhaltung von Verkehrswegen; Meinung zu Steuererleichterungen oder staatlichen Fördermitteln für Telekommunikationsunternehmen zum Ausbau des schnellen Internets.

6. Infrastrukturprojekte und Bürgerbeteiligung: Selbsteinschätzung der Informiertheit über die Planung und Durchführung großer Infrastrukturprojekte; Beurteilung der Einflussmöglichkeiten; als Bürger; Mitsprachemöglichkeiten generell erwünscht bei direkter Betroffenheit, bei Strukturmaßnahmen in der Region, im eigenen Bundesland bzw. in anderen Bundesländern; Vorrang der Interessen der Allgemeinheit vs. der betroffenen Anwohner.

7. Einstellungen zur Energiewende: Bereitschaft zur Zahlung höherer Energiepreise für den Ausbau erneuerbarer Energien; Zustimmung zur Energiewende; präferierte Sichererstellung der Energieversorgung.

8. Digitaler Wandel: Chancen oder Risiken des digitalen Wandels für die Gesellschaft; ausreichende Nutzung der Chancen des digitalen Wandels in Deutschland oder Nachholbedarf; Kenntnis der Digitalen Agenda der Bundesregierung; Beurteilung der Richtung der Digitalen Agenda; Staat sollte das Sammeln und Nutzen personenbezogener Daten einschränken vs. sich raushalten; Beurteilung von neuen Produkten und Dienstleistungen des Internets (private Taxiangebote, Crowdfunding, Tauschbörsen für Wissensvermittlung, Kleider, Möbel oder Spielzeug, gemeinsame Nutzung von Büros, Arbeitsplätzen, Gärten, Carsharing, Wohnungstausch im Urlaub und Schlafplatzvermittlung).

Demographie: Geschlecht; Alter; höchster Bildungsabschluss; Erwerbstätigkeit; berufliche Stellung; Haushaltsgröße und Haushaltszusammensetzung; Familienstand; Haushaltsnettoeinkommen; Parteisympathie; Selbsteinstufung der Schichtzugehörigkeit; Nutzungshäufigkeit des öffentlichen Personennahverkehrs sowie der Verkehrsmittel Auto und Fahrrad; privater Internetzugang zu Hause und Art des Internetzugangs: analog oder ISDN-Modem, DSL, Kabelanschluss, Mobilfunk (LTE, GPRS, UMTS, etc.).

Zusätzlich verkodet wurden: Befragten-ID; Gewichtungsfaktor; Ortsgröße (BIK und politische Gemeindegrößenklassen); Bundesland.

Humanitarian technology -- Humanitarian challenges & new technologies -- Theorizing technology -- Humanitarian biometrics -- GM food aid and the molecular subject as political -- Humanitarian vaccination, vilization & expansion of power -- Humanitarian aspirations & technology expectations

Foreword According to the Mineral Council of Australia, our country possesses 30 percent of known global reserves of uranium ore. Australia can become the world leader in supplying fuel for low-carbon emission base load electrical power in rapidly expanding economies looking to secure their energy needs while limiting greenhouse emissions. One of the largest of the rapidly developing economies is India. The Agreement between the Government of Australia and the Government of India on Cooperation in the Peaceful Uses of Nuclear Energy, can double the size of Australia's nuclear mining sector. In terms of export income, it could add up to $1.75b to the Australian economy. It could increase the number employed in uranium mining from 4,000 at present to 8,000.

Engaging but caustic and openly ideological, Antonin Scalia was among the most influential justices ever to serve on the United States Supreme Court. In this fascinating new book, legal scholar Richard L. Hasen assesses Scalia's complex legacy as a conservative legal thinker and disruptive public intellectual. The left saw Scalia as an unscrupulous foe who amplified his judicial role with scathing dissents and outrageous public comments. The right viewed him as a rare principled justice committed to neutral tools of constitutional and statutory interpretation. Hasen provides a more nuanced perspective, demonstrating how Scalia was crucial to reshaping jurisprudence on issues from abortion to gun rights to separation of powers. A jumble of contradictions, Scalia promised neutral tools to legitimize the Supreme Court, but his jurisprudence and confrontational style moved the Court to the right, alienated potential allies, and helped to delegitimize the institution he was trying to save.

[T]he advent of electronic sources of information and their ever-increasing volume and variety will require a major redefinition and integration of the role of archives, museums, and research libraries. It is my point of view that the distinction between all of these apparently different types of institutions will eventually make little sense. (Rayward 1998, 207). Rayward's prediction describes expectations in the LAM (libraries, archives, and museums) field that technological change and digitalization would produce coordination gains and institutional mergers over time. In Norway, The Norwegian Archive, Library and Museum Authority (ABM–utvikling – Statens senter for arkiv, bibliotek og museum), from here on referred to as ABM–u, was established in 2003. The digitization of documents such as books, journals, archival material and museum objects, and with this increasing similarity in working methods between the sectors was an essential argument in the process leading up to the creation of ABM–u: The commonality between the three sectors is even stronger through the growing use of information and communication technology (ICT) both in the organization and management of collections and materials and in the dissemination work towards the public. In addition, the three types of institutions increasingly handle digital material, either in the form of digitized representation of other original material, or material that already exists in digital form. This may lead to the working methods becoming more similar, and it is natural to consider how closely the coordination potential can develop so that users can have the easiest possible access to combined services. (St.meld. nr. 22 (1999–2000), 2).¹ ; publishedVersion

This paper examines the globalization process of German core export metalworking industries, to show how the globalization of national corporations has different effects on domestic economies. Contrary to the prevalent views on the globalization of production, this paper holds that the outcomes and patterns of globalization vary, due mainly to the politics of the main actors inside and outside corporations. This paper compares Germany's negotiated globalization with U.S. employer unilateralism. In most U.S. corporations, employers decide how to globalize based on the short-term perspective of shareholder value. By contrast, in Germany, main industrial actors—including employers, works councils, and trade unions—collectively negotiate how to globalize. In this conflict-laden process of collective negotiation, German actors have created a political compromise that combines the upgrading of domestic production with globalizing overseas, whereas Americans have failed to do so. Furthermore, this paper emphasizes that divergent patterns of globalization are not predetermined by national institutions. To the contrary, the successful outcomes in German globalization come mainly from actors' proactive readjustments in their traditional model of industrial relations, creating new practices, such as active union involvement in company-level bargaining, and the democratic bottom-up process instead of the traditional top-down process of negotiation.

We measure the contribution of fiscal decentralization to trust in government. Using repeated cross-country survey data of individuals on several measures of trust in government over the 1994{2007 period, we estimate an ordered response model of the government trust and fiscal decentralization nexus. We control for unobserved country characteristics, macroeconòmic determinants, and individual characteristics. Our main finding is that fiscal decentralization increases trust in government. More specifically, a one percentage point increase in fiscal decentralization causes roughly a four-fifths of a percentage point increase in government trust. The beneficial effect of fiscal decentralization on trust in government is neither limited to nor necessarily large for relatively decentralized countries.