Suchergebnisse

Community colleges have long been involved in workforce preparation and economic development—in the form of the occupational education of students. But in the last two decades, community colleges have greatly broadened their economic development role to include contract training, small-business incubation and assistance, and local economic planning. Contract training. Over 90 percent of community colleges offer contract training. Unlike traditional occupational education, contract training involves an outside party—a business or a government agency—rather than the individual student as the primary client. The contractor largely determines who receives the training and the content of the training. Even if the content is little different from a college's traditional vocational offerings, contract training programs are customized to the contractor's requirements in other regards, such as where, when, and how the training is delivered. Rigorous studies of the impact of contract training on trainees and their employers are scarce. The studies available do show positive effects on both, but the data are too sparse to allow definitive conclusions. However, more definite findings are available about the impact on community colleges themselves. Contract training boosts enrollments and revenues. It enlarges business's external support for, and internal involvement in, the community college. It changes the content of the vocational courses and the liberal arts courses servicing them. It raises the standing of continuing education faculty, but brings them into conflict with traditional vocational faculty. And more speculatively, there is evidence that contract training may erode the commitment of community colleges to traditional liberal arts values, transfer education, and remedial education. Small-business assistance and incubation. Over a third of community colleges offer advice and training to small firms in such things as management, personnel practices, marketing, finance, and work practices, and a few even provide nascent firms with low-cost space and administrative support. Although small-business assistance brings in little money, it apparently brings community colleges some new students and strengthens their base of political support. The effects on the client firms themselves are less clear, however. Local economic planning. This is the newest and least-charted dimension of the colleges' new economic role. This new activity includes scanning the environment for economic, social, and political developments and passing this information on to employers, government agencies, and the public at large. Also many community colleges have joined local economic planning organizations and even convened meetings of local political and economic leaders to shape economic development policy. Finally, community colleges have even lobbied local, state, and federal government in favor of certain economic policies. Based largely on anecdotal evidence, this new role seems to help community colleges get more contract training requests and solidify their ties to local business and government agencies. However, it also carries the risk of ensnaring the colleges in local political conflicts. Research and policy recommendations. Data on the impact of the new economic role on trainees, firms, and community colleges are relatively scarce. In particular, we need much more research on the impacts of community college efforts in the areas of small business assistance and local economic planning. Moreover, we should more closely investigate the impact of contract training on the colleges' commitment to transfer and remedial education and on businesses shouldering their proper share of the cost of employee training. On the policy side, as community colleges deepen their role in workforce preparation and economic development, public policies need to be devised to bolster the colleges' commitment to general education, baccalaureate preparation, and remedial education.

Трижды на протяжении трех последних столетий в России вспыхивал с особой силой спор норманистов с антинорманистами: в XVIII в. (борьба Миллера против Ломоносова в Академии Наук), в XIX в. (публичная дискуссия Погодина с Костомаровым в Петербургском университете) и в 1965, когда мой семинар был вызван на публичную дискуссию, в которой нашим официальным оппонентом был И.П.Шаскольский, но настоящими врагами были партийные идеологи с исторического факультета. Мы отстояли свое существование. Тогда было невозможно защищать норманизм прямо и открыто, и нашим способом защиты было определение: понятие норманизма следует максимально сузить – всё, что мы делали, не вмещалось в это понятие. Мы разделили понятие норманизм, как оно изображалось в советской историографии, на 7 ступеней, согласно принятию следующих положений: 1) Приход норманнов на древнюю восточнославянскую территорию 2) Основание норманнами киевской династии 3) Норманнское происхождение названия «Русь» 4) Влияние норманнов на восточнославянскую культуру 5) Норманны как создатели первого восточнославянского государства 6) Расовое превосходство норманнов как причина их успехов 7) Политическое влияние на современную ситуацию: скандинавам суждено повелевать, славянам – подчиняться Антинорманизм вёл борьбу на каждой из этих ступеней: они исходили из того, что только принятие этих ступеней облегчает преодоление следующих. Однако постепенно они были вынуждены сойти с каждой из них. Даже на пятой ступени было возможно утверждать ведущую роль норманнов без того, чтобы разрушать марксистскую теорию. Мы тогда настаивали, что остановиться лишь на 6 и 7 ступенях было неприемлемо, и это следовало рассматривать как выражение пресловутого норманизма. Это был тактический приём. Такого учения не существовало в мировой историографии, и до сих пор не существует. Норманизм – просто пугало, созданное антинорманистами для подтверждения их необходимости. ; The argument of normanists versus antinormanists reached its peak three times during the last three centuries in Russia: in the XVIII cent. (the struggle of Miller against Lomonosov in the Academy of Sciences), in the XIX cent. (the public debates of Pogodin with Kostomarov at the Petersburg University) and in 1965, when my seminar was challenged for a public discussion in which our official opponent was I.P.Shaskol'skij but our true enemies were the Party ideologists of the historical Department. We succeeded in defending then our existence. It was impossible then to defend Normanism openly and directly, and our way of defense was the definition: the concept of Normanism should be maximally narrowed — that everything we did could not be covered by this concept. We dismembered the concept Normanism as it was pictured in Soviet historiography in 7 steps according to acceptance of consecutive positions: 1) The coming of Normans to the Ancient East-Slavic area. 2) Foundation of Kiev's dynasty by Normans. 3) Normanic origin of the name Rus'. 4) Influence of Normans on the East Slavic culture. 5) Normans as the creators of the First East-Slavic state. 6) Racial preference of Normans as the cause of their successes. 7) Political influences for the contemporary situation: Scandinavic geniuses are the proper bosses, Slaves must be subordinates. Antinormanism led struggle for every of these steps: they issued from the notion that acceptance of only of these steps makes it easier to overcome the next. Gradually, however, they were forced to get off one after another. Even on the fifth step it was possible to state the leading participation of Normans without distorting Marxist Theory. We insisted then that merely resting on the 6th and 7th steps was unacceptable and should be considered as the expression of devil Normanism. This was a trick. Such learning in the world historiography did not exist, and it doesn't. Normanism is a bugbear, scarecrow created by Ahtinormanism for substantiation of their necessity.

The Privy Council was faced with the following set of facts: Shipowners chartered their vessel to time charterers. The vessel was subchartered to shippers for the carriage of a cargo from Indonesia to China. The time charterers issued a bill of lading which contained a so-called Himalaya clause, i.e. a clause which purported to confer on subcontractors the benefit of 'all exceptions, limitations, provision, conditions and liberties benefitting the carrier. It also contained a clause conferring exclusive jurisdiction on the Indonesian courts. After discharge of the cargo, the cargo owners issued a writ against the vessel in Hong Kong claiming that the cargo was damaged on delivery. The shipowners sought to rely on the jurisdiction clause, as being a provision within the meaning of the Himalaya clause. In the view of the Hong Kong Court of Appeal, the shipowners were not entitled to rely on the clause because they were not parties to the bill of lading. Nor had there been a bailment on terms which included the jurisdiction clause.
The shipowners appealed to the Privy council, which dismissed the appeal (Lord Goff of Chieveley giving the judgment of the Board). It traced the development of Himalaya clauses as a device to accommodate various situations arising in the context of carriage of goods by sea where there was a commercial expectation that the benefit of certain terms of the contract of carriage should be made available to parties involved in the adventure who were not parties to the contract - primarily stevedores, but in some cases also shipowners relying on terms in charterers' bills of lading to exempt them from possible liability to cargo owners and consignees. The theoretical basis for giving effect to such clauses remained problematic (although they were currently construed as bilateral contracts arrived at through the agency of the carrier).
It was not apparent that a jurisdiction clause should be included within the list of clauses from which a subcontractor should be allowed to benefit. 'Such a clause can be distinguished from terms such as exceptions and limitations in that it does not benefit only one party, but embodies a mutual agreement under which both parties agree with each other as to the relevant jurisdiction for the resolution of disputes. It is therefore a clause which creates mutual rights and obligations.' While the Himalaya clause in the contract in question referred to subcontractors enjoying the benefit of a 'provision' for the benefit of the carrier, this term must be interpreted eadem generis with exceptions and limitations. The function of a Himalaya clause was 'to prevent cargo owners from avoiding the effect of contractual defences available to the carrier by suing in tort persons who perform the contractual services on the carrier's behalf. To make available to such a person the benefit of an exclusive jurisdiction clause in the bill of lading contract does not contribute to the solution of that problem.' In addition, the purpose of a jurisdiction clause is usually to confer jurisdiction on a court in the place where the carrier carries on business. It is purely fortuitous if that court is also a convenient place for a subcontractor to litigate. Both the terms of the Himalaya clause and the policy it pursued therefore indicated that it was not intended to include the jurisdiction clause.
The following case note contrasts the legal reasoning employed in Belgium in similar situations (E. Dirix).

Statement of Problem. The changes produced by the fall of communist parties in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union offer opportunities both to investigate how such processes as privatization, democratization, marketization, etc. are unfolding and to reflect upon the very meaning and theoretical interconnections of these key western concepts. What are democracy and private property? Given that many theories of liberal democracy posit them as closely interconnected, exactly how are they linked, and what can we learn about this from watching Eastern Europeans try to create them?Some scholars approach these questions by viewing democracy in a narrowly formal way (e.g., voting, protest marches, party membership, and petitions), and by thinking of property rights chiefly as matters of exclusive individual vs collective ownership. The present project, by contrast, emphasizes informal practices that contribute to forming political identities and social persons, and it sees property rights as complex and overlapping. It focuses on the privatization of land, to examine how newly apportioned rights to land are producing new possessing identities that lead people to defend their rights in court and in other ways; these actions and identities can be seen as elements of possibly democratic practices that are overlooked by other approaches to democratization as linked with property. Thus, the project — submitted for funding under NSF's "democratization" initiative—is guided by the questions, Where should we look for "the political" so as to talk about democratization? How does it intersect with local understandings of "property"? Research Site and Methods. The project, already begun with IREX funding, is located in a Transylvanian community (Romania) in which rights to land are in the process of being returned; it includes regular observation of court cases in the county capital as well. Research methods consist of formal and informal interviews with a variety of people (villagers pursuing restitution, heads of other forms of agricultural enterprise, local authorities, judges and lawyers, and government officials), participation in the work of the village Land Commission, observation of events in court, discussions with parties to cases, reading newspapers, and copying statistics from local and county archives. These methods will produce a detailed picture of how property restitution is taking place, what kinds of rights (ownership or usufruct, exclusive or overlapping) are being created, how villagers think of themselves in relation to land, what activities they engage in to pursue their rights—particularly lawsuits and complaints to the commission—and what sorts of political identities and practices accompany these. The study's guiding assumptions are that because standard formal definitions of property and democracy are unlikely to suit the realities of Eastern Europe, the "successful" implementation of these forms must be approached as an open question, through field research. The result will be an ethnography of democratizing‐practice‐through‐property. Significance. 1) The study will clarify aspects of the process of decollectivization, on which very little has been written to date. 2) It will offer a specifically Transylvanian answer to the question, How are democratic practice and private property linked?, thus broadening awareness of the various forms assumed by these concepts. 3) It will propose answers to the question, Where should we locate "the political" so as to assess the prospects for democratization in a more nuanced way than through people's ritual participation in meaningless elections. 4) It will contribute to theoretical questions about the nature of "the state," "democracy," and "property" as concepts, thus permitting reflective criticism of foundational western political notions and enhancing theory‐building about them.

Although the national trade union movements in Europe face very similar challenges, considerable differences can be observed in their responses to these challenges and in the results achieved (Crouch/Traxler 1995). During the 1980s the Austrian trade unions' record in this respect was relatively good. In particular, they achieved positive developments in real wages and employment. Between 1979 and 1989 real pay in Austria rose by more than 1.1% a year, a rate higher than in most other OECD countries (Guger 1991); the rate of unemployment, meanwhile, was comparatively low (annual average of 3%). An important factor in these successes has been the formal corporatist arrangement which gives the trade unions a consultative role in all economic and social policy fields. It is an arrangement dependent on two fundamental features, namely, the specific organisational structure of the participating organisations and a political culture peculiar to Austria (Traxler 1992). In organisational terms, the principle of the single trade union confederation is strictly adhered to. All the 14 existing trade unions in Austria (four public service unions, nine private sector manual workers' unions and one trade union for private sector white-collar workers - the GPA) belong to the Austrian Trade Union Confederation (ÖGB). Even though the principle of industrial unionism is not fully established, this organisational structure does provide the high degree of centralisation and concentration required by corporatism.. The political culture peculiar to Austria has been an important factor in establishing the legitimacy of social partnership and of the policy pursued by the trade unions. Until the early 1980s Austria was divided into two political "camps": social democracy on the one hand and the Christian-conservative camp on the other. Though the ÖGB,has been, formally speaking, situated "above" all political parties, it managed to internalise the situation of political cleavage by the informal creation of political factions. In this way it was able to enlist in both camps ideologically grounded support for and solidarity with the technocratic policy which it pursued at several removes from its members' immediate interests. That this recipe for success ran up against limits is clear from trends in membership figures. During the eighties the ÖCB suffered an above-average drop in membership (compared with other countries); union density fell from 56.2% to 46.2% (OECD 1994). One important cause of this development is the erosion of the political camps. As a result of the structural changes which are affecting the whole nature and experience of work, collective aspirations are gradually being replaced by individualistic trends, thus making it increasingly difficult for the trade unions to maintain their legitimacy. At political level evidence of such trends is provided by the number of floating voters and the growing fragmentation and competition within the party system, making corporatist cooperation between the large organisations and the political parties (i.e. those currently in government) increasingly difficult. Another factor which has further helped to weaken corporatism is that, with the internationalisation of the economy, price policy, a traditional tool of policy implementation, has become obsolete. The effects of EU accession (in particular the need to meet the fiscal policy convergence criteria laid down at Maastricht), and the opening up of eastern Europe with its reservoir of cheap labour, are placing an increasing strain on corporatism in general and on the trade unions in particular. This article sets out to consider the most important areas of problem which together constitute this challenge. In relation to each area, we examine the nature of the trade unions' responses, assessing the extent to which they have altered their policies and their structures to adapt to the changing circumstances.

RESUMEN: Dentro de la enorme violencia presente en la Guerra Civil Española, el inicio de la misma en Madrid se caracterizó por la proliferación de episodios de violencia política, porque esas eran las razones que se argüían, e inorgánica, porque no se conectaba con proyecto revolucionario alguno. En este artículo se analiza una represión incontrolada que tenía como organismos claves las checas, de donde partían las policías de partido que efectuaban detenciones arbitrarias, y como episodios característicos los paseos: ejecuciones sin formación de causa y de forma clandestina. En las checas actuaban sujetos indeseables que generaron un clima de terror e inseguridad en Madrid en los enemigos de la República y en los sospechosos de pocas simpatías hacia el Frente Popular. Este clima de exceso y violencia fue objeto de preocupación de las autoridades republicanas en Madrid, siendo Santiago Carrillo, Consejero de Orden Público de la Junta de Defensa de Madrid, quien consiguió poner coto a los injustificables paseos. En la última parte del artículo se analiza este fenómeno de los paseos. Su ejecución fue sobre todo obra de anarquistas y, en mucha menor medida, de comunistas. Los hechos se iniciaban con la detención al anochecer y, la mayoría de las veces, terminaban con la ejecución de la víctima en la madrugada, casi en ocho de cada diez casos. Sus víctimas fueron sobre todo religiosos, seguidos de empleados y militares. El momento de mayor proliferación fue en los meses de agosto y septiembre de 1936, observándose un drástico descenso a partir de noviembre hasta su casi total desaparición a inicios de 1937, como un síntoma más del proceso de reconstrucción del Estado republicano. Palabras clave: Guerra Civil Española, Violencia política, Represión, Comunismo, Anarquismo. ABSTRACT: Within the framework of the enormous amount of violence that took place at the beginning of the Spanish Civil War, Madrid's violence could be characterised by the proliferation of episodes of violence that were political, because their cause was political, and inorganic, because they were not connected to any revolutionary project. In this article, we analyse the uncontrolled repression organised around what we call 'checas' (a type of party police force), which made arbitrary arrests, including the typical 'paseos': clandestine executions with no legal basis. In Madrid, within the structure of the 'checas' some undesirable individuals caused a climate of terror and insecurity for all the enemies of the Republic or those who were suspected of not sympathising with the Popular Front. This atmosphere of excess and violence worried the Republican authorities in Madrid; Santiago Carrillo, as Councillor of Public Order of the Junta de Defensa of Madrid, succeeded in stopping these unjustifiable jD«5eo5. In the last part of this article we analyse the phenomenon of the paseos. Concerning responsibility, we propose that the paseos were carried out mainly by the Anarchists and, to a lesser degree, by the Communists. These events almost always started with the arrest of the victims at dusk, and ended with their execution at dawn. The victims were mostly members of religious orders, followed by civil servants, soldiers and military officers. Most of these events occurred between August and September, 1936, decreased greatly in November, and almost disappeared by the beginning of 1937. The improvement of this situation was another expression of the reconstruction of the Republican state. Key words: Spanish Civil War, Political Violence, Repression, Communism, Anarchism.

The paper takes head on the odd way in which spanish planning legislation sees the landowner as the natural font of all building and planning duties and rights. Spanish constitutional structuring and the principles behind the European Union's Treaty of Rome as to the open market and free competence for this on the property market give rise to serious problems when it comes making either of these natural law' notions fit in with modern constitutional doctrine and law as to objects. If it is taken as universally demonstrated that territory is subject to public governance and this in its general public's interest, then planning activity can be neither imposed upon nor yet made an attribute proper to the owner of any ground to the end of making him a necessary party to a public planning function in the light of his mere ownership of any given plot (art. 33EC). Quite otherwise, such activity is seen as an economic business one subject then to free competition (art 38 CE) given that both benefits and any future city are at once virtual yet public given that they do not exist before their creation and thus cannot be subject to civil law governing things concrete. Actual legal procedures. the paper argues, are thus an anti-constitutional restricting of an access to an open market and this not only due to the non-renounceable spatial restricting of ground for development but also because of the excluding initiative that the owner is obliged to shoulder ( and this even to the excluding of third parties) throughout any developing process. The paper lays down that plainly only free and willing business activity is the necessary vehicle for bringing the public function of creating the future reality or any virtual image of the city and that this alone can transform either into real things open to being built in keeping with the dictates of the law as to private property. ; Se confronta abiertamente la forma peculiar en la que la legislación urbanística española trata al propietario del suelo como depositario natural de todos los deberes y derechos de urbanizar y edificar. Las coordenadas constitucionales españolas y los principios del Tratado de Roma de la actual Unión Europea en materia de libre empresa y libre competencia de ésta en el mercado inmobiliario plantean serios problemas de encaje de esta concepción con el moderno constitucionalismo y el derecho de cosas. Desde la comprobación de que el territorio está sometido al principio del gobierno público, en aras del interés general dela colectividad, la actividad urbanizadora no puede ni imponerse ni atribuirse al propietario del terreno para que sea colaborador necesario de dicha función pública urbanística, tan sólo por su mera condición posicional en ese locus concreto (artículo 33 CE), sino que deviene una actividad económica empresarial sometida a la libre competencia (articulo 38 CE), al ser los aprovechamientos y la ciudad futura una cosa virtual y pública, inexistente antes de su realización, por tanto, no sometible al Derecho civil sobre Ias cosas reales. El actual proceder legal implica, pues, una restricción de acceso al libre mercado, no sólo por la imprescindible restricción espacial del suelo urbanizable. sino por la intervención exclusiva (y excluyente de terceros) a que se obliga a los propietarios a lo largo de todo el proceso. Es cabalmente la libre y voluntaria actividad empresarial el nexo necesario entre la función pública creadora de las cosas futuras o imágenes virtuales de la ciudad, la que ha de convertirlas en cosas reales susceptibles de ser edificadas con el derecho privado.

Book reviewed in this article:GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELANDEric Gordon, Eynsham Abbey, 1005‐1228M. W. Greenslade, ed., The Victoria history of the counties of England: a history of the county of Stafford, xiv: the city of LichfieldRichard Holt and Gervase Rosser, The English medieval town: a reader in English urban history, 1200‐1540Frank Musgrove, The north of EnglandRichard S. Smith, Early coal‐mining around Nottingham, 1500‐1650Barbara English, The great landowners of east Yorkshire, 1530‐1910David Levine and Keith Wrightson, The making of an industrial society: Whickham, 1560‐1765Phyllis Hembry, The English spa, 1560‐1815: a social historyTheodore Koditschek, Class formation and industrial society: Bradford, 1750‐1850Jane Fiske, ed., The Oakes diaries: business, politics and the family in Bury St Edmunds, 1778‐1827. I. Introduction: lames Oakes'diaries, 1778‐1800James E. Bradley, Religion, revolution and English radicalism: non‐conformity in eighteenth‐century politics and societyJohn Belchem, Industrialization and the working class: the English experience, 1750‐1900Jeffrey G. Williamson, Coping with city growth during the British industrial revolutionClark Nardinelli, Child labour and the industrial revolutionRoderick Floud, Kenneth Wachter, and Annabel Gregory, Height, health and history: nutritional status in the United Kingdom, 1750‐1980Alex Mercer, Disease, mortality and population in transition: epidemiological‐demographic change in England since the eighteenth century as part of a global phenomenonJohn E. Archer, By a flash and a scare: arson, animal maiming, and poaching in East Anglia. 1815‐1870Michael Hunter and Robert Thorne, eds., Change at King's CrossR. J. Morris, Class, sect and party: the making of the British middle class. Leeds, 1820‐1850Cynthia Brown, Northampton, 1835‐1985: shoe town, new townDieter Ziegler, trans. Eileen Martin, Central bank, peripheral industry: the Bank of England in the provinces, 1826‐1913David McCrone, Stephen Kendrick, and Pat Straw, ed., The making of Scotland: nation, culture and social changeEdgar Jones, A history of GKN, 2: the growth of the business, 1918‐1945G. H. Martin and Peter Spufford, eds., The records of the nation: the Public Record Office, 1838‐1988: the British Record Society, 1888‐1988Harvey J. Kaye and Keith McClelland, eds., E. P. Thompson: critical perspectivesGENERALRichard Duncan‐Jones, Structure and scale in the Roman economyMarc Boone, Geld en macht: de Gentse stadsfinancien en de Bourgondische staatsvorming, 1384‐1453Larry Neal, The rise of financial capitalism: international capital markets in the age of reasonLars T. Lih, Bread and authority in Russia, 1914‐1921Roger Pethybridge, One step backwards, two steps forward: Soviet society and politics under the new economic policyWilliam Moskoff, The bread of affliction: the food supply in the USSR during World War IIGeorges Sabagh, ed., The modern economic and social history of the Middle East in its world contextM. W. Daly, Imperial Sudan: the Anglo‐Egyptian condominium, 1934‐1956Zbigniew A. Konczacki, Jane L. Parpart, and Timothy M. Shaw, eds., Studies in the economic history of southern Africa, I: the Front‐Line StatesDavid J. Jeremy, Technology and power in the early American cotton industry: James Montgomery, the second edition of his'Cotton manufacture'(1840), and the Justitia'controversy about relative power costsTom Kemp, The climax of capitalism: the U.S. economy in the twentienth centuryFrank Griffith Dawson, The first Latin American debt crisis: The City of London and the 1822‐25 loan bubbleMauricio Font, Coffee, contention, and change in the making of modern BrazilDennis L. McNamara, The colonial origins of Korean enterprise, 1910‐1945Harold Blakemore, From the Pacific to La Paz: the AntofagastaLawrence I. Conrad, ed., The formation and perception of the modern Arab world: studies by Marwan R. BuheiryM. Mann, ed., The rise and decline of the nation stateGeoffrey Jones, ed., Banks as multinationalsBruna Ingrao & Giorgio Israel

Buffalo Lake a political blunder I skipped the legislature Monday and drove to Lac La Biche instead to take a first- hand look at a couple of things ( which I hope to write about soon). But question period was on CKUA so I listened in for a while. Hearing it on the radio caused a surge of relief— happiness about being free and out in the world. Most people around the legislature feel that way. The hallways are thick with the pleasant sensation of MLAs and observers rediscovering their humanity. A warped and vicious frame of mind sets in after about two or three weeks of any session. People start to act like over­crowded laboratory rats — lots of biting and clawing; strange obsessions such as Treasurer Dick Johnston's insistence on calling the NDP " Marxist- Leninists." Suspicion creeps in everywhere. Even the public gets into a bad mood. The mail recently brought a clipped newspaper advertisement for a travel out­fit called Elzinga Adventure. The corre­spondent theorized that Economic Devel­opment Minister Peter Elzinga had started a business with heritage fund mon­ey. As it turns out, his nephew owns it, but that's a far cry from the reader's first thought. Then there's the reader who asks why people like me, when they write about Jim Dinning's and Rick Oman's private fund-raising, don't mention the " extra $ 100,000" a year going to Liberal Leader Laurence Mark L i s a c The Province Decore. This is an erroneous reference to the Liberal party's approval of a $ 60,000 annual salary for Decore before he was elected to the legislature. He never did collect, although the party did pay for a few hundred dollars' worth of refinishing for his office furniture. Why do voters harbor these nasty suspi­cions? Maybe it's because they see things like the Buffalo Lake business, which culmi­nated Tuesday in an announcement timed for midway through last question period of the session, possibly of this year. The Buffalo Lake project will solve some genuine water concerns in small communities like Alix. But everything else about it is repellent — the personal involvement of the premier, the fact one of the major tourist businesses on the lake involves a family he counts as friends and political supporters, the way years of envi­ronmental study suddently went out the window^ because of what environmental officials called " renewed interest" in the project, the booster- like atmosphere sur­rounding the review board hearings ( chairman Don Thorne applauded one pro- development presentation and, after one of the few critical presentations, asked if there was any audience rebuttal), the way an economist recanted on a finding of a negative cost- benefit ratio. It's a sad fate for a lake region which. I'm told, was considered as recently as the early 1970s for a possible national park. ( The province was not enthusiastic.) There was even the typical rural- urban rhetoric now used as a red herring any­time someone outside a city wants some­thing. " I guess it's possible sometimes to be in large urban centres and not realize that for people in east- central Alberta, Buffalo Lake is their only lake for bathing, boat­ing and so on," Thorne told reporters Tuesday. Clever pluck at the heart strings. But the environmental impact study in March said the greatest potential for tourism growth at Buffalo Lake lay in cottaging and: " Most of the increase in demand appears tied to economic growth in Cal­gary with city residents accounting for many of the new cottages developed."

Buffalo Lake a political blunder I skipped the legislature Monday and drove to Lac La Biche instead to take a first- hand look at a couple of things ( which I hope to write about soon). But question period was on CKUA so I listened in for a while. Hearing it on the radio caused a surge of relief— happiness about being free and out in the world. Most people around the legislature feel that way. The hallways are thick with the pleasant sensation of MLAs and observers rediscovering their humanity. A warped and vicious frame of mind sets in after about two or three weeks of any session. People start to act like over­crowded laboratory rats — lots of biting and clawing; strange obsessions such as Treasurer Dick Johnston's insistence on calling the NDP " Marxist- Leninists." Suspicion creeps in everywhere. Even the public gets into a bad mood. The mail recently brought a clipped newspaper advertisement for a travel out­fit called Elzinga Adventure. The corre­spondent theorized that Economic Devel­opment Minister Peter Elzinga had started a business with heritage fund mon­ey. As it turns out, his nephew owns it, but that's a far cry from the reader's first thought. Then there's the reader who asks why people like me, when they write about Jim Dinning's and Rick Oman's private fund-raising, don't mention the " extra $ 100,000" a year going to Liberal Leader Laurence Mark L i s a c The Province Decore. This is an erroneous reference to the Liberal party's approval of a $ 60,000 annual salary for Decore before he was elected to the legislature. He never did collect, although the party did pay for a few hundred dollars' worth of refinishing for his office furniture. Why do voters harbor these nasty suspi­cions? Maybe it's because they see things like the Buffalo Lake business, which culmi­nated Tuesday in an announcement timed for midway through last question period of the session, possibly of this year. The Buffalo Lake project will solve some genuine water concerns in small communities like Alix. But everything else about it is repellent — the personal involvement of the premier, the fact one of the major tourist businesses on the lake involves a family he counts as friends and political supporters, the way years of envi­ronmental study suddently went out the window^ because of what environmental officials called " renewed interest" in the project, the booster- like atmosphere sur­rounding the review board hearings ( chairman Don Thorne applauded one pro- development presentation and, after one of the few critical presentations, asked if there was any audience rebuttal), the way an economist recanted on a finding of a negative cost- benefit ratio. It's a sad fate for a lake region which. I'm told, was considered as recently as the early 1970s for a possible national park. ( The province was not enthusiastic.) There was even the typical rural- urban rhetoric now used as a red herring any­time someone outside a city wants some­thing. " I guess it's possible sometimes to be in large urban centres and not realize that for people in east- central Alberta, Buffalo Lake is their only lake for bathing, boat­ing and so on," Thorne told reporters Tuesday. Clever pluck at the heart strings. But the environmental impact study in March said the greatest potential for tourism growth at Buffalo Lake lay in cottaging and: " Most of the increase in demand appears tied to economic growth in Cal­gary with city residents accounting for many of the new cottages developed."

This dissertation analyses the role of industrial mediation within the framework of the relationship between the underlying causes of industrial conflict and the resolution of this conflict. The inextricable relationship between economics and politics means that the underlying causes of industrial conflict need to be located within both the socio-political arena and in the contradictions within the labour process. The Independent Mediation Service of South Africa (IMSSA) has played a crucial role in facilitating the institutionalisation of extra statutory or independent industrial mediation in response to the changing nature of industrial relations in the country. IMSSA is rooted in the pluralist approach to industrial relations. Pluralism is rejected in this dissertation for its implicit acceptance of the existing socio-political status quo and for its belief in the legitimacy of the social system as a fair and democratic one. Thus, a critical question in this research is what is the role of mediation if pluralism is rejected as a starting point for analysis? A distinction is drawn between manifest and latent conflict in this dissertation. The primary hypothesis, which is confirmed, is that mediation addresses the manifest, rather than the latent conflict. This challenges the claim of the problem-solving approach of mediation that the process uncovers the underlying conflict. Instead, this research reveals that mediation is dispute-specific and has the potential for solving the immediate conflict, rather than removing the fundamental sources of this conflict. Further, the role of mediation is limited by the very nature of the collective bargaining process which restricts the expression of the latent conflict. It is argued that, although mediation may be accused of palliating the conflict in the sense that it settles the dispute without addressing the structural causes of the conflict, mediation plays a significant role in the collective bargaining process. This is revealed in the role that mediation plays in improving bargaining skills, empowering the weaker party, legitimising the negotiating parties, educating the parties, overcoming mistrust and promoting understanding between adversaries. Thus, mediation has the potential for significantly affecting the working relationship and altering the dynamics of this relationship in terms of enhancing the essential relationship-building dimension of this relationship and facilitating an approach to bargaining in good faith. The effects of mediation therefore extend beyond the immediate conflict settlement. Mediation is not a response to procedural inadequacies and the utilisation of this process does not reflect inadequate negotiation skills. Instead, the increasing number of industrial mediations may be seen to be a reflection of more sophisticated industrial relations which reveal an acknowledgement of the need to compromise as a prerequisite for successful collective bargaining. Research was conducted and hypotheses tested through primary research which involved interviews with leading management representatives and trade unionists in the Cape Town and Port Elizabeth-Uitenhage regions and mediators in these two areas as well as in Johannesburg and Pretoria. Interviews were conducted oh an open-ended, but structured basis. The two primary regions were chosen for their representation of different trends in the utilisation of industrial mediation. FOcus in the Port Elizabeth-Uitenhage region centred on why mediation has been utilised relatively less frequently in this region than elsewhere in the country. It was found that, although specific forces have shaped the unique nature of collective bargaining in this region, the attitude towards mediation arose not from more militant or confrontational policies, but from a number of misperceptions and faulty assumptions concerning the process and role of mediation.

No' si mura, telle fut la réponse que Cosimo il Vecchio donna à ses amis qui s nquéraient de savoir pourquoi il se retirait des affaires publiques. Elle exprimait sa conviction ultime que rien ne resterait de lui, que ces bâtiments qu'il construisait alors. C'est une devise qui aujourd'jui correspond aussi parfaitement à la situation de l'Institut universitaire européen, encore en pleine construction, et installé dans cette merveille de la Renaissance florentine, la Badia Fiesolana, que Cosimo il Vecchio, architecte amateur passionné, bâtit dans les dernières années de sa vie et dont il suivait l'avancement chaque jour sur le chantier. Nous l'avons donc donnée comme titre à cette sélection de travaux parus ces dernières années, dont le but est d'illustrer comment se bâtit, sans modèle académique préexistant, dans des circonstances parfois difficiles, et non sans périodes d'incertitude, cette communauté scientifique interdisciplinaire et internationale qui a la mission d'initier de jeunes européens à la recherche sur les grands thèmes historiques, juridiques, économiques, sociaux et culturels de l'Europe. A l'occasion du dixième anniversaire du commencement de cette aventure, nous dédions ce florilège, qui reflète la diversité des conceptions scientifiques et des traditions nationales présentes à l'Institut, à M. Max KOHNSTAMM, qui en fut le premier Président au cours de six années cruciales, et qui a jeté les solides fondations sur lesquelles l'Institut peut s'élever à la hauteur de sa tâche. ; --I. Political and Social Sciences --JEAN BLONDEL, Essex/Florence Towards a Comparative Analysis of Cabinet Structures and Decision-Making 3 --IAN BUDGE, Essex/Florence Democratic Party Government: Formation and Functioning in 21 Countries 17 --HANS DAALDER, Leiden/Florence Parties and Political Mobilization: An Initial Mapping 49 --BERND MARIN, Vienne/Florence La recherche en sciences politiques et sociales comme corps de metier: quelques observations comparatives sur le plan international 79 --ATHANASIOS Mommas, San Diego/Florenz Der Souveranitatsbegriff in der Griechischen Verfassung 1975 . 105 --BIRGITTA NEDELMANN, Freiburg/Florenz Geheimnis - Ein interaktionistisches Paradigma 118 --JEAN PADIOLEAU, Paris/Florence Un schema d'anaNse comparative des entreprises de presse 131 --PHILIPPE C. ScHm- rrTER, Stanford/Florence Democratic Theory and Neo-corporatist Practice 158 --II. Law --MAURO CAPPELLETTI, Florence/Stanford Repudiating Montesquieu? The Expansion and Legitimacy of "Constitutional Justice" 191 --TERENCE C. DAINTITH, Dundee/Florence Legai Analysis of Economic Policy 222 --BRUNO DE WITTE, Florence Retour à Costa - La primauté du droit communautaire à la lumière du droit international 257 --GUNTHER TEUBNER, Bremen/Florenz Reflexives Recht - Entwicklungsmodelle des Rechts in vergleichender Perspektive 290 --JOSEPH H. H. WEILER, Ann Arbor/Florence Supranationalism Revisited - A Retrospective - The European Communities After 30 Years 341 --III. Economics --EMIL-MARIA CLAASSEN, Paris/Florence The Optimum Monetary Constitution: Monetary Integration and Monetary Stability 399 --JEAN-PAUL FITOUSSI and DANIEL SZPIRO, Paris/Florence Adjustini to Competitive Depression: The Case of the Reduction in Working Time 430 --WOLFGANG GEBAUER, Frankfurt/Florence Inflation and Interest: The Fisher Theorem Revisited 446 --DOMENICO MARIO NuTi, Birmingham/Florence Economic Crisis in Eastern Europe: Prospects and Repercussions . 499 --JACQUES PELICMANS, Maastricht/Florence The European Community and the Newly Industrialized Countries 510 --MANFRED E. STREIT, Mannheim/Florenz Heterogene Erwartungen, Preisbildung und Informationseffizienz auf spekulativen Markten 540 --K. VELUPILLAI, Copenhagen/Florence The Knight And His Utility Function 553 --IV. History --GISELA BocK, Berlin/Florence Scholars' Wives, Textile Workers and Female Scholars' Work: Historical Perspectives on Working Women's Lives 569 --PETER HERTNER, Darmstadt/Florence L'industrie électrotechnique allemande entre les deux guerres: à la recherche d'une position internationale perdue 579 --RICHARD T. GRIFFITHS and ALAN MILWARD, Amsterdam & London/Florence The Beyen Plan and the European Political Community 596 --DANIEL ROCHE, Paris/Florence Le monde des ombres 623 --STUART J. WOOLF, Essex/Florence Charity and Family Subsistence Florence in the early nineteenth century 633 --WEINER MAIHOFER, Bielefeld/Florence Vom republikanischen Revolutionar zum. europaischen Patrioten 648 --THE CONTRIBUTORS 663

Book reviewed in this article:FEVER, SQUALOR AND VICE: Sanitation and Social Policy in Victorian Sydney. By A.J.C. Mayne.THE MAKING OF A LABOR POLITICIAN: Family and Politics in South Australia, 1900–1980. A Biography. By Penelope Hetherington.POLITICS OF LAW REFORM: Investigating the Powers and Influences behind Australia's Laws. By Stan Ross.WHAT ROUGH BEAST? The State and Social Order in Australian History. By Sydney Labour History Group.ANATOMY OF THE WORLD: The impact of the atom on Australia and the world. By Harry and Jill Redner.IMMIGRANTS AND THE MEDIA? Case Studies in Newspaper Reporting. By Naomi Rosh White and Peter B. White.THE BIG STRIKES. QUEENSLAND 1889–1965. Edited by D.J. Murphy.TAKING AUSTRALIA OFF THE MAP: Facing the threat of nuclear war. By Jim Falk.AUSTRALIA'S EXTERNAL RELATIONS IN THE 1980s‐The Interaction of Economic, Political and Strategic Factors. Edited by Paul Dibb.TOWARDS TERRITORIAL GOVERNMENT. Edited by Ann Hodgkinson.GIRMITIYAS: The Origins of the Fiji Indians. By Brij V. Lal.PACIFIC PROTEST: The Maasina Rule Movement, Solomon Islands, 1944–1952. Edited by Hugh Laracy.THE INDIAN OCEAN‐Region of Conflict or 'Peace Zone'? By Dieter Braun. Translated by Carol Geldhart and Kathleen Llanivarne.TUVALU: A History. Edited by Hugh Laracy.THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLICS OF EASTERN EUROPE. By Jürgen Tampke.OF BREAD AND GUNS: The World Economy in Crisis. By Nigel Harris.THE ORGANIZATION AND CO‐ORDINATION OF LA FRANCOPHONIE. By William W. Bostock.BRITAIN, EUROPE AND THE WORLD, 1850–1982: Delusions of Grandeur. By Bernard Porter, London, George Allen and UnwinTHE SUCCESSOR GENERATION: INTERNATIONAL PERSPECTIVES OF POSTWAR EUROPEANS. Edited by Stephen F. Szabo.POLITICAL REPRESSION IN 19th CENTURY EUROPE. By Robert Justin Goldstein.BRITISH ECONOMISTS AND THE EMPIRE. By John Cunningham Wood.POLITICAL IDEAS OF THE ENGLISH CIVIL WARS 1641–1649. A collection of representative texts with a commentary.ECONOMY AND SOCIETY IN BURGUNDY SINCE 1850. By Robert Aldrich.RESISTANCE AND COMPROMISE: The Political Thought of the Elizabethan Catholics. By Peter Holmes.AN ATLAS OF RURAL PROTEST IN BRITAIN 1548–1900. Edited by Andrew Charlesworth.THE TORY CASE. By Chris Patten.TRADE UNIONS IN BRITISH POLITICS. Edited by Ben Pimlott and Chris Cook.THE LEGEND OF RED CLYDESIDE. By lain McLean.CAPITAL AND CLASS IN SCOTLAND. Edited by Tony Dickson.WIVES AND PROPERTY: REFORM OF THE MARRIED WOMEN'S PROPERTY LAW IN NINETEENTH‐CENTURY ENGLAND. By Lee Holcombe.THE GERMAN WORKING CLASS, 1888–1933. Edited by Richard J. Evans.GREGOR STRASSER AND THE RISE OF NAZISM. By Peter D. Strachura.THE NAZI MACHTERGREIFUNG. Edited by Peter D. Stachura.THE GDR: MOSCOW'S GERMAN ALLY. By David Childs.THE NAZI PARTY: A SOCIAL PROFILE OF MEMBERS AND LEADERS, 1919–1945. By Michael H. Kater.NIETZSCHE IN GERMAN POLITICS AND SOCIETY 1890–1918. By Richard Hinton Thomas.WILHELM LIEBKNECHT, Letters to the Chicago Workingman's Advocate November 26, 1870‐December 2, 1871. Edited, with an Introduction and Notes, by Philip S. Foner.PROTEST UND REPRESSIONIM VORMÄRZ: Norddeutschland zwischen Restauration und Revolution. By Hans‐Gerhard Husung.PARLIAMENTARY HISTORY A YEARBOOK, VOL. 1, 1982. Edited by Eveline Cruickshanks.DICTATORSHIP OVER NEEDS. By Ferenc Fehér, Agnes Heller and György Márkus.NEO‐MARXIST THEORIES OF DEVELOPMENT. Edited by Peter Limqueco and Bruce McFarlane.PARLIAMENT AND BUREAUCRACY. PARLIAMENTARY SCRUTINY OF ADMINISTRATION: PROSPECTS AND PROBLEMS IN THE 1980s. Edited by J. R. Nethercote.INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS (Key Concepts in International Relations: 1). By Clive Archer.BEYOND THE STATE: DOMINANT THEORIES AND SOCIALIST STRATEGIES. By Boris Frankel.THE IRRELEVANCE OF CONVENTIONAL ECONOMICS. By Thomas Balogh.THE PHILOSOPHY OF LEADERSHIP. By Christopher Hodgkinson.HEINRICH HEINE: HISTORY OF RELIGION AND PHILOSOPHY IN GERMANY. Edited, with Introduction and Notes by Paul Lawrence Rose.IN THE BEGINNING WAS THE DEED. Reflections on the Passage of Faust. By Harry Redner.THE REVOLUTION IN SCIENCE 1500–1750. By A. Rupert Hall.THE MALTHUS LIBRARY CATALOGUE: The Personal Collection of Thomas Robert Malthus at Jesus College, Cambridge. Edited by Edward Gray.

In Sudan problems of establishing national unity have been particularly acute; with a considerable proportion of the post-independence period spent in civil war between the North – which is predominantly Arab and Islam – and the South. Cultural differences have assumed political salience because – as in many other instances – they have coincided with differing economic experience. From the early colonial period the South was differently treated from the North, being designated as a closed area. If ostensibly to 'protect' the indigenous population from external intrusion, this also served to retard its developmental progress relative to that of the North. Over time, regional disadvantage was to be coupled with political under-representation and the stage set for cleavage which has, at times, erupted into violent conflict. In the last few years, murmurings of discontent and threatened mutiny have again occurred. And the peoples of Sudan have had to confront more emphatically the issue which has never been far from the top of the list of national priorities: the very fact of nationhood itself and the integration of peoples in such a way that all regions gain an equitable share in development.
Below are three items dealing with the question of the South. The first is drawn from an address given by Joseph Garang in 1970. A prominent member of the Sudan Communist Party, Garang was appointed Minister of Southern Affairs following the establishment of the Leftist regime of 1969 and was instrumental in the formulation of the 9th of June (1969) Declaration which supported the need for regional autonomy in the South. His speech, part of which is reproduced below, treats the South within the broader context of the national question and has an enduring theoretical relevance not just for Sudan but for the African continent as a whole. Garang was executed in 1971 along with many other members of the CPS when the regime took a right turn. The second item, a statement of the Student Union of Southern Sudanese in the UK and Ireland addressed to the President of Sudan and released in April 1983, makes an embittered plea that the problem of the South be effectively confronted by the government. While assessing the situation as grounded in differential rates of development, the view put forward remains, by its very nature, couched in the language of regionalism rather than that of solidarity among all those disadvantaged under the current regime. Finally, the third item is a general review of the problem of the South, tracing its historical background, examining the aftermath of the Addis Accord of 1972 which brought an end to the civil war, and evaluating prospects for the future. The piece refers us to the continuity of principles embodied in the position of the Left – and particularly of the CPS – on the South over the years. (The Court Statement of El Tigani El Tayyib Babikir, elsewhere in this issue, gives further detals concerning this point). Written by a Sudanise Leftist, the account ultimately affirms that the problem of the South can be solved only in the context of a programme giving full rights of democratic participation to the whole of the population and priority to the development of those areas 'left behind'.
Excerpts from an address by Joseph U. Garang, the then Minister of State for Southern Affairs of the Sudan Government, in 1970 and originally printed as No.6 of the series Revolution in Action, by the Public Relations Bureau, Ministry for Southern Affairs.

LABOR ESSAYS 1980. Edited by Gareth Evans and John Reeves. (Richmond, Vic: Drummond, 1980)AUSTRALIAN DEMOCRACY IN CRISIS: a radical approach to Australian politics. By Andrew C. TheophanousPEOPLE AND PARLIAMENT. Edited by John P. MackintoshBIOGRAPHICAL REGISTER OF THE TASMANIAN PARLIAMENT 1851‐1960. By Scott Bennett and Barbara BennettLAW, POLITICS AND THE LABOR MOVEMENT. Edited by Gareth EvansBROADCAST AND BE DAMNED: The ABC's First Two Decades. By Alan ThomasA MAJORITY OF ONE: Tom Aikens and Independent Politics In Townsville. By Ian MolesCRIME, LAW AND BUSINESS: The Sociological Sources of Australian Monopoly Law. By Andrew HopkinsELITISM. By G. Lowell Field and John HigleyCOMPULSORY VOTING: A Comparative Approach. By Lindsay SmithWHITE COLLAR POWER: A history of the ACOA. By Bruce JudderyRUSSIAN THINKERS. By Isaiah Berlin. Edited by Henry Hardy and Aileen KellyELITES IN AMERICAN HISTORY: The New Deal to the Carter Administration. By Philip H. Burch, JrFAMILIES IN FORMER TIMES: Kinship, Household and Sexuality. By Jean‐Louis FlandrinPOLITICAL THEORY AND POLITICAL SCIENCE Studies In the Methodology of Political Inquiry. By Martin LandauSWEDISH SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC IDEOLOGY AND ELECTORAL POLITICS 1944‐1948: A Study of the Functions of Party Ideology. Stockholm Studies in Politics No.17. By Diane SainsburyTHE SWEDISH IMPERIAL EXPERIENCE 1560–1718. By Michael RobertsROUSSEAU AND WEBER: Two Studies in the Theory of Legitimacy. By J.G. MerquiorLATVIAN LITERATURE UNDER THE SOVIETS 1940–1975. By Rolfs EkmanisTHE MIDDLE EAST IN CHINA'S FOREIGN POLICY 1949–1977. By Yitzhak ShichorITALY, THE LEAST OF THE GREAT POWERS: Italian Foreign Policy before the First World War. By R.J.B. BosworthMA0 ZEDONG AND THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF THE BORDER REGION: A Translation of Mao's Economic and Financial Problems. By Andrew WatsonPOLAND AND UKRAINE PAST AND PRESENT. Edited by Peter J. PotichnyjTHE DISINTEGRATING WEST. By Mary KaldorTHE GERMAN PROBLEM RECONSIDERED: Germany and the World Order, 1870 to the Present. By David CalleoCOMPOSITION OF THE USSR SUPREME SOVIET, March 1979. Compiled by the BBC Monitoring Service and the BBC Reference LibraryDENZIL HOLLES 1598–1680 A Study of his Political Career. By Patricia CrawfordGERMANY IN WORLD POLITICS. Edited by Viola Herms DrathPERFORMANCE AND POLITICS IN POPULAR DRAMA: Aspects of Popular Entertainment in theatre, film and television 1800–1976. Edited by David Bradley, Louis James and Bernard SherrettRACE, CLASS AND REBELLION IN THE SOUTH PACIFIC. Edited by Alexander Mamak and Ahmed AliIMPERIALISM: The Expansion of EuropeINTERGOVERNMENTAL RELATIONS IN THE U.S.: A Study of the Functions of, and Relationships among, Federal, State and Local Governments in the United States. By M.A. HaskellINTERGOVERNMENTAL RELATIONS IN ENGLAND. By M.A. BainsFEDERALISM IN WEST GERMANY: The Functions and Relations of the Different Levels of Government. By Joan Rydon and H.A. WolfsohnPLURALISM AND CORPORATISM: The Political Evolution of Modern Democracies. By Reginald J. HarrisonTHE LOGIC OF MARX. By Jindrich ZelenyCUNNINGHAME GRAHAM: A Critical Biography. By Cedric Watts and Laurence DaviesIN FIRM HANDS: The Western Australian State Elections 1977. Edited by Barbara HamiltonFUNDAMENTALS AND FUNDAMENTALISTS: A Case Study of Education and Policy Making in Queensland. By Ann Cowers and Roger ScottENEMIES OF DEMOCRACY. By Paul McCormickA GUIDE TO MARXISM. By Joseph MartinVILLAGERS AT WAR: Some Papun New Guinean Experiences in World War II. By Neville K. RobinsonTHE GERMAN PEASANT WAR OF 1525 ‐ New Viewpoints. Edited by Bob Scribner and Gerhard BeneckeRADIO POWER: A History of 3ZZ. By Joan DugdaleYOUR DISOBEDIENT SERVANT. Second Edition. By Leslie ChapmanMELBOURNE STUDIES IN EDUCATION 1979. Edited by Stephen Murray‐SmithMACRO‐ECONOMIC POLICY IN AUSTRALIA, 1972–1976. By Ainsley JokyTHE ACCEPTABLE PRESSURE GROUP: Inequality in the penal lobby: a case study of the Howard League and RAP. By Mick RyanTHE FOUNDATIONS: An Anatomy of Philanthropic Bodies. Revised edition. By Ben Whitaker1976 POLICY GUIDE. The American Civil Liberties Union