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Results of data from a 2003 national computer-assisted telephone interview random sample survey (n = 478 completed surveys were returned) are reported. Adult respondents living in Colorado, Iowa, and Pennsylvania were eligible for participation. Of respondents 55 and older, 49% had a home computer, 46% used e-mail, and 43% used the Internet. For seniors 75 and older, 19% had a home computer, 15% used e-mail, and 19% used the Internet. A fully saturated structural equation model with observed variables was estimated. Our survey results leave little doubt that demographics (age, education), attitudes toward the role of technology (IT advantages, computer apathy), and behavior (use of technology in daily life) play a role in determining patterns of electronic citizenship. Most (74%) of the negative total effect of age on e-politics was indirect, as was nearly half (47%) of the effect of education on e-politics. Since attitudes toward technology are formative barriers to digital citizenship, service-learning may be a key ingredient in challenging technological attitudes and increasing electoral participation of marginalized groups. Adapted from the source document. COPIES ARE AVAILABLE FROM: HAWORTH DOCUMENT DELIVERY CENTER, The Haworth Press, Inc., 10 Alice Street, Binghamton, NY 13904-1580

The payout requirement that the Tax Reform Act of 1969 imposed on foundations has come up for debate again over the past few years and a tightening of the requirement was proposed in Congress in 2003. Hypothetically applying corresponding German rules to Ford Foundation data, this article suggests that U.S. regulation of foundation spending policies is already stricter than elsewhere and that much of the current policy debate has little to do with the original intentions of the requirement. Reevaluating the underlying rationale of the policy, the article concludes with a proposal to introduce time limits to the payout requirement

Having been elected to a second term in March 2004, Taiwanese President Chen Shui-bian faces a dilemma. Should he continue to lead his country down a path that emphasizes its independence & autonomy -- a position that contradicts official U.S. policy & that may well provoke a terrible conflict with Mainland China? Or should he renounce this path & choose instead to negotiate with Beijing over possible terms of reunification at the risk of betraying the voters who elected him as well as risking being undermined from within his own party? These questions may well come to a head in 2008, the year of the next Taiwanese presidential elections as well as the year in which Beijing hosts the Olympics. Adapted from the source document.

Argues that the US should overhaul its basic immigration system & scrutinize its open borders policy if it is to confront properly the threat of al Qaeda. In terms of the immigration-security nexus the issue of assimilation or the lack thereof & how it has been abandoned for multiculturalism on the Left & globalism on the Right is examined. The lack of assimilation on the part of small sectors of Muslim immigrants affords a hiding place for an even smaller minority of radical Islamists harboring sympathies for al Qaeda. Mexico is then described as a special case requiring special attention with regard to illegal immigration & the vulnerability it represents for US national security for three reasons: its geography, Mexican government encouragement of emigration to the US, & Mexico's deep political corruption. Mexico's concept of dual citizenship is next scrutinized, addressing how such a circumstance problematizes borders & blurs the distinction between citizens & noncitizens. US political pressure to ignore the illegal immigrant problem for economic reasons is aiding a shift toward de facto citizenship, where the rights associated with traditional citizenship are extended to noncitizens. How this extends to national security & may ultimately undermine it is contemplated.