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"This book focuses on the problems and issues surrounding the idea of Europeanism. The theory that common values would form the basis of a single European identity is argued against and the contributors concentrate on dualistic distinctions, especially the dichotomy of friend and enemy in European political and international thought, and suggest alternatives to them."--Bloomsbury Publishing

Power is real, but it does not always prevail. This book explores how disparity structures international relationships. Beginning at the bilateral level, the relationship between the smaller side and the larger side can be normal as long as the smaller does not feel threatened and the larger can assume that its capabilities are respected. However, the smaller can be tempted to brinksmanship, while the larger can be tempted to bully. Asymmetric conflicts are often stalemated because the limited commitment of the larger side is met by the smaller's mortal resistance. In multilateral situations, asymmetry shapes patterns of uncertainty and attention. In global systems, how hegemons treat their subjects is the unobserved sand shifting beneath their feet as they look toward their challenger. Since 2008, the US has retained primacy but not dominance. The management of asymmetric relationships in a multinodal world will determine how power matters in the current era

Ein Kritikpunkt am Kyoto-Protokoll lautet, dass Emissionen durch Spezialisierung und internationalen Handel ins Nicht-Kyoto-Ausland verlagert werden könnten (»Carbon Leakage«). Die Analyse sektoraler Importströme und die damit einhergehenden CO2-Importe zeigen, dass Kyoto-Länder ihr Importvolumen aus Nicht-Kyoto-Ländern erhöhen und die CO2-Importe im Schnitt um 8% ansteigen, wobei energieintensive Sektoren, wie Metallerzeugung und Papierwaren, besonders stark betroffen sind. Folglich sollte sich die internationale Politikgemeinschaft verstärkt mit Möglichkeiten auseinandersetzen, wie CO2-Grenzausgleichssteuern WTO-konform implementiert werden können.

Aus jugoslawischer Sicht

Defining violence against women -- Scope and context -- Social and health consequences -- Prevalence and circumstances -- Types of violence -- Harmful traditional practices -- Administration efforts -- Interagency activities -- Key issues and related U.S. activities -- Global health -- Related U.S. activities -- Humanitarian assistance and refugees -- Related U.S. activities -- Foreign military training -- Related U.S. activities -- Trafficking in women and girls -- Related U.S. activities -- Legal and political rights -- Related U.S. activities -- Selected United Nations and other international efforts -- U.N. conferences, agreements, and resolutions -- United Nations and U.N. system activities -- Other international efforts -- Policy issues for congress -- Scope, effectiveness, and funding of current U.S. programs -- Integration into foreign assistance programs and additional funding -- Coordination among U.S. agencies and departments -- Collaboration with international organizations -- Possible program implementation challenges -- Infrastructure and priorities -- Most effective approaches? -- Program evaluation -- Lack of comparable data -- Current and emerging issues -- The role of men and boys -- Link to HIV/AIDS -- Discrimination and violence -- Possible economic impacts

If international relations can be theorised as 'inter-textual', then why not also – or indeed better – as 'inter-carbonic'? For, not only is the modern history of carbon to a large degree international; in addition, many of the key historical junctures and defining features of modern international politics are grounded in carbon or, more precisely, in the various socio-ecological practices and processes through which carbon has been exploited and deposited, mobilised and represented, recycled and transformed. In what follows I seek to make this case, arguing that carbon and international relations have been mutually constitutive ever since the dawn of modernity in 1492, and that they will inevitably remain so well into the future, as the global economy's dependence on fossil carbon continues unabated and the planet inexorably warms. Will climate change generate widespread conflict, or even civilisational collapse? How are contemporary power dynamics limiting responses to climate change? And how, conversely, might 21st-century world order be transformed by processes of decarbonisation? Building on research in political ecology, I argue that a dialectical sensitivity to 'inter-carbonic relations' is required to properly answer these questions. Scholars and students of International Relations (IR), I suggest, need to approach climate change by positioning the element C at the very centre of their analyses.