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The objective of this article is to highlight the potential use of the mental map in political science. Often used in psychology and in geography, political scientists have rarely used it, however. After discussing the advantages and limitations of the use of mental maps in social sciences, and based on two empirical studies, our aim is to show how the mental map can address issues specific to political science in a new light. ; L'objectif de notre propos est de mettre en évidence les potentiels de l'utilisation de la carte mentale en science politique. Souvent utilisée en psychologie et en géographie, les politologues ont toutefois rarement recours à cet outil de collecte de l'information dans leurs recherches. En revenant sur les avantages et les limites de l'usage de cet outil en sciences sociales, et en nous basant sur deux études originales, nous montrerons dans quelle mesure la carte mentale peut permettre d'aborder des questions propres à la science politique sous un angle nouveau. ; Peer reviewed

ABSTRACTThis study examines undergraduate research experiences at a minority-serving institution (MSI) in a political science laboratory. Students contributed to projects in a collaborative research lab at the University of California Riverside that involves undergraduate and graduate students in projects related to health and politics. Adopting a participatory approach to research, the study's research participants also are coauthors who co-created the research protocols; collected the data; transcribed, coded, and analyzed the data; and wrote up the findings. Our analysis of 12 in-depth interviews with current and former undergraduate research assistants (RAs) found that their work in the lab challenged their perceptions of what research is and what it means to do research; shaped their path to pursue graduate studies; developed their social and professional skills; and offered an inclusive and humanizing experience with graduate students and faculty members. Challenges that the RAs mentioned included time management, bureaucratic accounting and payroll procedures, and feelings of self-doubt; the lab's culture of inclusion and independence mitigated some of these challenges. Our findings align with the scholarly literature that suggests collaborative research opportunities can have beneficial outcomes, particularly for students from groups that are underrepresented in doctoral programs.

Recent research shows that the Internet, by sharply reducing the real costs of sharing
information, has profoundly impacted collaboration between faculty in different departments.
Using information on spatial-temporal Bitnet connections, Agrawal and Goldfarb (2006) find that Internet connectivity increased
collaboration between those connected universities by 85%. Extensively analyzing faculty
productivity at the top 25 universities during the last three decades, Kim, Morse, and
Zingales (2006) report that the Internet has
significantly lowered department-specific research externalities in economics and finance by
giving those outside of top schools access to productive research colleagues within top
schools. Concomitant with this decline in location-specific externalities, they also report
that salaries at those top universities have increased since the universities are less able
to appropriate any rent based on research productivity created by physically being located
at that university. One of the reasons that physical location is less important is e-mail.
Walsh and Maloney (2003), using information from
four fields (experimental biology, mathematics, physics, and sociology), find that e-mail
has significantly reduced coordination problems in research collaboration.

Established in 2008 and launched by the then Prime Minister, Gordon Brown, the National Muslim Women's Advisory Group (NMWAG) brought together 19 British Muslim women to advise Government on ways to empower Muslim women and increase their participation in civic, economic and social life. This article critically considers the NMWAG as a vehicle for improving how government sought to engage Muslim women within the context of a political and policy agenda that sought to prevent violent extremism. The article begins with a consideration of the ways in which women's groups - including those which might represent more than one constituency, BME women for instance - have traditionally emerged and mobilised as a means of advocating and lobbying on behalf of those they represent. From here, the article considers how government has engaged with faith communities, paying particular attention to governmental dialogue with Muslims, the reasons for this, and where - if at all - Muslim women have featured. From here, the article approaches the way in which the establishment of the NMWAG is anomalous in comparison to historical processes, putting forward some observations and theories to explain why this might have been so whilst also considering the impacts - both potential and actual - within the context of the post-9/11 era. In conclusion, this article considers the impact of the NMWAG as a means of improving learning about the role and process of governmental engagement.

At this time the image of political parties in Indonesia deteriorated because of various problems afflict their cadres in the Parliament and the executive. In order to increase the public's trust, many political parties begin to perform activities of political communication. This research is aimed to discuss and analyze the political communication held by political parties in the election of 2014. In order to analyze the political communication process conducted by the political parties, researchers using the theory of political communication with the indicator: sources (political communicator), political messages, media or political channels, influence or effect of political communication. The method used is qualitative, with primary data sources such as interviews and observations, as well as secondary data such as photo documentation and source literature obtained from other sources. From the research that has been made known that the political parties use the sources of political communication in the form of print media, electronic, outdoor media, and public communication channel group. Associated with the delivery of a political message, that the political parties use multiple channel messages, both textual and non-verbal, where all of the message channel associated with the media or political channels that are used by political parties, namely the print and electronic media. The results of this study also showed that the influence of political communication has been done by the political parties through the mass media are not always able to influence the attitudes or perceptions of society, because it needs to be seen also from the other side that is the perspective and needs of the community. From the results can be concluded that political communication conducted by political parties through a variety of media is no longer always have a dominant effect because audiences are active and independent.

"Cultural Political Economy" published on by Oxford University Press.

In this manuscript, we introduce a new measure of political influence in California. Leveraging a new dataset of candidate rankings of their own endorsements, we use the Bradley-Terry model to estimate influence for a broad array of officeholders, interest groups, and endorsing organizations who participate in California politics. We call this new measure of influence Clout scores. Our measure of a person's clout is based on how much candidates for office desire that individual's endorsement. Specifically, we measure a political actor's clout by estimating the extent to which that actor's endorsement is preferred to a baseline endorsement group. Our estimates provide an original, empirically-grounded portrait of the distribution of political capital in California and highlight which political elites have the greatest capacity to swing election outcomes.

An interpretation of German jurist Carl Schmitt's political vision, with an emphasis on his domestic interest in The Concept of the Political (1976) & his later inquiry into international relations. Schmitt's evolution toward the "total state" is not read as a theory of totalitarianism, but as an observation about the increase in state intervention in the form of the welfare state. It is contended that the state has a duty to intervene when politics is challenged by religion, art, or the economy. Schmitt's later work focused on foreign policy & the notion of Grossraum (large space), a model borrowed from the Third Reich. It is argued tht Schmitt's works must be analyzed in the context in which they were written & not discredited in their totality because of Schmitt's personal failings. M. Greenberg

Examines the nature & evolution of corruption in Japanese politics & argues that the Liberal Democratic Party, 1955-1990, primarily determined the context of modern corruption in Japan. Despite early reductions in the frequency & extent of corruption, the election of the politically skilled Tanaka Kakuei (TK) in 1972 led to a new era of corruption: TK institutionalized & rationalized corruption while implementing a system that demanded money from businesses & special interest groups rather than accepting bribes in return for issue-specific influence. Although TK was implicated in various scandals & forced to resign, his system of kickbacks, favors, & influence allowed him to exercise a great deal of power through the mid-1980s. Further, this institutional corruption system remained dominant until a series of highly publicized scandals catalyzed political reform in the early 1990s. It is concluded that Japan is presently in a state of transition from a boss-patronage to a modern civic-culture-based system. 3 Tables, 2 Photographs, 7 References. Adapted from the source document.