Gayatri Nair. 2021. Set Adrift: Capitalist Transformations and Community Politics along Mumbai's Shore. Delhi: Oxford University Press. xiv + 202 pp. Tables, figures, bibliography, index. ₹1295 (hardback— ISBN: 9780190130244).
This article explains the outcome of American labour's formative stage in politics between 1860 and 1921 by modelling the decision-making process of labour elites under limited and full labour inclusion. Several countries featured limited inclusion through a neutral executive and democratic institutions, but full inclusion - the incorporation of labour into the party system through entrenched partisan elites - occurred only in the United States. An analytic narrative illustrates the conclusion from my decision analysis that the failure of social democracy and the embrace of moderate syndicalism in the United States occurred as the rational response of labour elites to this unique environment. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Ltd., copyright holder.]
To operate within a strictly political frame of reference, the dispute over abortion—the centerpiece of the controversy over reproduction and population control in America—would seem to be over. With the election of Bill Clinton to the presidency in 1992, many observers declared as much. Charles Krauthammer, for one, argued that "one can reasonably declare a great national debate over when all three independently (s)elected branches of government come to the same position." In 1992 the Supreme Court reaffirmed the central holding of Roe v. Wade in the Casey decision. Given this and an apparent majority of pro-choice votes in both houses of Congress, the new President-elect vowed to make good on his campaign pledge to pass the "Freedom of Choice Act" (FOCA), the legislative equivalent of Roe, as a safeguard against any future challenges. Certainly there seemed to be grounds for such a claim.
Crackdowns on informal vendors are a common form of violence against the poor in many cities in developing countries. This article uses a media events database to examine crackdowns of informal vendors in Accra, Dakar, and Lusaka from 2000 to 2016. During this period, Accra demonstrated consistently high levels of violence towards vendors, while violence increased in Dakar and decreased in Lusaka. The article argues that these trends are driven by differences in political decentralization for municipal authorities, variations in their administrative mandates over vending, and the degree of influence vendors hold as an electoral constituency. Through a structured comparison of the governance of informal vendors across multiple cities, the article demonstrates how state violence manifests through everyday battles over access to public space.
In this book, some of the world's leading Latin Americanists explore the ways in which the region has re-engaged globalization. What is the relationship of China and India with Latin America? Has increased international political cooperation among Latin nations changed their foreign policy towards other regions and on specific issue areas, such as election monitoring and the ongoing dilemma in Haiti? How have the different "Lefts", as exemplified by the governments of Chávez and Lula, shaped the region? What is the outlook of new entities such as UNASUR, the South American Union of Nations, an.
Two important elections held in close succession—the December 2013 Assembly elections and the May 2014 Lok Sabha elections—in the state of Madhya Pradesh emphatically underline the consolidation achieved by the BJP. Overriding anti-incumbency, the Shivraj Singh Chouhan-led BJP government in the state returned to power and rode on the crest of the popularity of the state chief minister and the BJP prime ministerial candidate Narendra Modi to put up a creditable performance in the Lok Sabha elections. The BJP was helped by strong anti-incumbency against the UPA, on the one hand, and the organizational ineffectiveness of the Congress party at the state level, on the other. This article attempts an analysis of the factors and forces that contributed to the BJP consolidating its position in the state in the recent years.
El presente artículo presenta un caso de incidencia en políticas públicas de un colectivo animalista (Identidad Animal, Manizales - Colombia) que, al mezclar estrategias micro y macropolíticas y agenciar un animalismo pragmático (integrando tácticas bienestaristas y abolicionistas), propone soluciones puntuales a problemas de maltrato y crueldad animal. Se realizaron entrevistas semiestructuradas a integrantes del colectivo y revisiones documentales sobre legislación animal y producción de conocimiento, tanto de académicos como de los colectivos animalistas. Se concluye que cuando los colectivos sociales apelan al pragmatismo privilegiando resultados sobre narrativas lúcidas y encasillamientos militantes, logran desarrollar una lectura política del contexto que los hace tener un mayor impacto sobre los hechos de injusticia que quieren transformar. ; The present article presents a case of incidence in public policies, where an animalist collective (Animal Identity, in Manizales – Colombia), mixing micro and macropolitical strategies and arranging a pragmatic animalism (integrating welfare and abolitionists tactics), proposes specific solutions to problems of abuse and animal cruelty. Semi-structured interviews were conducted to members of the collective and documentary reviews about animal legislation and knowledge production both academics and animalist collectives. It is concluded that when social collectives appeal to pragmatism privileging results on lucid narratives and militant placements, they get to develop a political reading of the context that makes them have a greater impact on acts of injustice that want to transform.
This paper looks at the türban ban controversy in Turkish politics from an empirical and behavioural perspective. With the aid of a number of nationwide surveys I aim to clarify how the ban on the türban in public spaces is being evaluated by different segments of Turkish society. Who supports which policy options and who opposes these options for what reasons? The policy implications of these findings will be evaluated in the concluding section.
Expanding on McAdam, Tarrow and Tilly's approach to the study of contentious episodes, we develop a conceptual framework to analyze front-stage politics in the light of back-stage cultural and interpretative processes, drawing upon the Chechen and the Palestinian national movements. We elaborate on Goffman's original notion of 'primary frameworks' to capture the influence of fundamental cultural templates, and his concept of 'keying processes' to capture the way primary frameworks are reworked in the dynamics of political contention. We then identify three central components of primary frameworks, namely, collective identity (the subject), what the subject does (the verb) and who or what is the object of those actions (the object). This article identifies the primary frameworks and keying processes of Chechens and Palestinians with relation to Russia and Israel, respectively. It then traces how they are played out in the heat of political contention as changes in the structure of political opportunities and threats unfold, and how they combine to drive a process of Islamization. We conclude by discussing how the subject—verb—object triplet of primary frameworks helps specify the dynamic interpretative work in political contention.
At present, little is known regarding the experience and activities of gang-affiliated women in prison. This article is based on interviews with 15 formerly incarcerated women who offered insights into their experiences. Rather than continue the territorially based street divisions they defended, the women tended, instead, to create interpersonal units in the form of families and/or sexual dyads, reconstructing hetero-normative relational patterns during the course of their incarceration. The article offers an alternative lens through which to understand human agency among incarcerated women.
This article seeks to explore the intricate fusion of Christianity with traditional religion of the Sumi Naga. The manner in which the entire tribe converted, and the friction between the converts and the followers of traditional religion have been examined in the light of politics of identity and power. Having accepted new religion, traditional institutions were compromised, changes incurred; however, some traditional practices were retained in a modified manner. The new converts incorporated traditional aspects to the newly found religion, thus indigenising Christianity. Is this a strategy to maintain their distinct ethnic identity?
Ward reviews Taking the Constitution Away from the Courts by Mark Tushnet, Constitutional Self-Government by Chris Eisgruber, and Law and Disagreement by Jeremy Waldron.