Suchergebnisse

Представлена интерпретация образа Смердякова не в рамках персоналистической концепции, а в контексте метафизического прочтения сюжета «Братьев Карамазовых». Смердяков играет особую роль в ритуале «перехода к зрелости» других братьев. Он выступает в качестве «агента репрессии»: его появление на свет из «мутного», «смрадного» (Лизавета Смердящая) рассматривается как «оговорка по Фрейду», в которой проявляется тесная связь персонажа с «бессознательным». Однажды исполнив свою функцию в качестве «агента репрессии» (подавляемое желание смерти отца), герой исчезает из сюжета через «избыточное» (немотивированное) самоубийство. В исследовании предпринимается попытка рассмотреть Эдипову драму с участием Алеши и других братьев, в которой Смердяков является ключевым элементом. ; The function of Smerdiakov in the plot of Dostoevsky's novel is interpreted in this article outside the framework of a personalistic motivation of character, favoured in Dostoevsky criticism, which has devoted much attention to the question of why Smerdiakov was the real father killer a question that is irrelevant according to the present analysis. Smerdiakov and his presumed brothers are like one person portrayed from four different perspectives in the rite of passage from childhood to manhood. This rite of passage involves the overcoming of what Freud has called the Oedipus complex, which hinges on an unconscious wish for the death of the father. In this oedipal drama which constitutes the complicated plot of the novel (each of the Karamazov brothers has, as it were, his own plot line but all four are connected through what I have called elsewhere 'plot simultaneities'), Smerdiakov plays the role of the agent of repression. His connection with "stinking Elizabeth" and his 'emergence' into the world out of the elements of 'dirt' and 'stench' is like a "Freudian slip" which points to Smerdiakov's birth in the unconscious (seen in earlier anthropology as a union of the sacred and the profane). Once he has performed his function as agent of repression in the oedipal drama of the three Karamazov brothers, Smerdiakov disappears from the plot. Smerdiakov's 'suicide' is thus unmotivated on the plot level (there is no psychological progression which makes this act an imperative) and represents pure excess. The oedipal drama of the Dimitry, Alesha and Ivan turns on the function and interpretation of signs amulets with money sums, hand and body gestures, prearranged signals all of which belong to the performance of language as a determinant of the phenomenology of a subject or individual identity. The brothers evolve as subjects or 'identities' within a network of linguistic signs and sign relations which are contextualised in another giant web of literary and intertextual (historical, cultural, political, social, religious) allusions. The 'real' texture of these subjects is textuality: the brothers are 'texts' rather than 'individuals' with closed characterogical contours, even if such contours appear to follow them throughout the hermeneutic tradition of Dostoevsky studies. This new interpretation of the phenomenology of Dostoevsky's ontology is given in this work by means of a re-reading of the plot function of Smerdiakov in relation to the three Karamazov brothers.

Historically, the identity of the coastal cities is closely linked to the complex relationship with the sea, a primary resource for the origin of the processes of economic growth and territorial transformation, with particular reference to the highly-sensitive border between earth and water, and their dynamics.Dynamics more and more complex in the light of the issues related to sustainable development, and to EU policies in the field of multimodal transport.In particular, the current guidelines and directives of the EU, the geopolitical changes of the past two decades in an enlarged and projected onto the East and the Mediterranean are favorable conditions for the city of Trieste, able to reacquire a new centrality in the context Euro-Mediterranean as port of a broader territorial system, where the waterfront can be an opportunity to promote a new urban quality and revitalize local identities against the risks of uniformity.These themes must be tackled at the different territorial and institutional levels, in a perspective of governance that implies an increasing participation of different local public and private actors in planning shared scenarios and looking for a delicate equilibrium between local and global dimensions.The need to include the single projects of transformation in a shared strategic vision, the capacity to elaborate an innovative management of plans, projects and partnerships with a strong local character and the decisive importance of time, as a crucial variable in a rapidly evolving context, must be driving forces behind the development of Trieste, so that it can be projected into the future with a new Euro- Mediterranean role, without forgetting the problems connected to sustainability. ; Storicamente, l'identità delle città costiere è strettamente legata al complesso rapporto con il mare, risorsa primaria all'origine di processi di crescita economica e di trasformazione territoriale, con particolare riferimento a quell'ambito altamente sensibile che è il limes terra-acqua e alle dinamiche che lo riguardano. Dinamiche sempre più complesse alla luce delle questioni relative allo sviluppo sostenibile e alle politiche UE in materia di trasporto multimodale. In particolare, gli attuali orientamenti e direttive dell'UE, i mutamenti dell'assetto geopolitico dell'ultimo ventennio in un'Europa allargata ed Est e proiettata sul Mediterraneo costituiscono le condizioni favorevoli affinché la città di Trieste possa acquisire una nuova centralità nel contesto euromediterraneo quale gateway di un sistema territoriale più ampio, dove il waterfront si può configurare opportunità per promuovere una nuova qualità urbana e rivitalizzare le identità locali contro i rischi dell'omologazione. Questi problemi vanno affrontati ai differenti livelli territoriali e istituzionali, in una prospettiva di governance che contempli una sempre maggiore partecipazione nella prefigurazione di scenari condivisi da parte degli attori territoriali, pubblici e privati, alla ricerca di un delicato equilibrio tra dimensione locale e dimensione globale. La necessità di inserire i singoli progetti di trasformazione all'interno di una visione strategica condivisa, la capacità di elaborare forme innovative di gestione di piani, progetti e di partenariato con forte base locale, l'importanza del fattore temporale come variabile determinante in un contesto in rapida evoluzione devono alimentare il motore dello sviluppo, per far sì che Trieste sia proiettata verso il futuro con rinnovato ruolo in chiave euromediterranea, senza dimenticare le questioni legate alla sostenibilità.

Статья посвящена неконвенциональным протестным тактикам, направленным на реализацию горожанами их «права на город». Для нормативной системы характерны конвенциональные формы проявления политического, в том числе модусы протестных действий. Традиционный протест предусматривает выдвижение списка требований, обращенных к некоторому адресату чаще органу государственной власти. Практики последних лет демонстрируют, что подобные формы выражения несогласия оказываются неэффективными, поскольку недовольство людей вызывают структурные проблемы, решение которых невозможно в рамках существующих политико-экономических систем. В статье представлено кейс-стади протеста 2012 г. в киевском Гостином дворе. Полугодичное функционирование так называемой «Гостеприимной Республики» показало, что протест против коммерциализации публичного пространства в городе может действовать как комплексное движение сопротивления, если он отказывается от традиционной формы выражения несогласия. Контент-анализ освещения «Гостеприимного» протеста в украинских медиа позволяет определить, как происходит нейтрализация нарушающего нормативность события через воспроизводство привычной таксономии, и каким образом протестное действие постепенно отказывается от собственных оснований и легитимирует существующий порядок. ; The article is dedicated to non-conventional protest tactics used by citizens to gain their "right to the city", that is to say normalisation of their status. The normative system reproduces conventional styles of political forms, which also shapes the modes of protest activity. Traditional protests usually put forward a list of requirements addressed to a specific agent, this is usually one of the authoritative bodies in the area. Recent practices confirm that such forms of demonstrations turn out to be ineffective due to the fact that people's discontent stems from structural problems, whose solution is impossible within the existing political and economic systems. This paper presents a case study of protest in Kyiv's Gostynnyi Dvir in 2012, which was a struggle primarily for public space and spatial justice. The half-year long operation of the so-called "Hospitable Republic" showed that a protest against public space commercialization could act as a complex movement of resistance, especially when it refuses to adopt a narrow identity and take on traditional forms of public protest. Qualitative content analysis of the representation of the "Hospitable Republic" in Ukrainian newspapers and TV-news shows how an event, which violates normativity, is neutralized through describing it with the usual taxonomies. Three types of newspapers and TV-channels taken for this analysis represent different parts of the Ukrainian political sphere in the media and three different attitudes in regard to the protest: there is the pro-government media that ignores the "Hospitable Republic", neutral media that seeks to represent both parts of the conflict, and the oppositional media that prioritizes protest voices. Despite providing different pieces of information on the issue in question, all the media outlets acted within the confines of conventional ways of representation, and, by doing so, contributed to the end of the "Hospitable Republic". It is through these representations that the movement turned in a mere conflict of interests, presented as an issue to be solved by legal means and governmental decisions. Subsequently, having abandoned this transgression of standards, the protest movement legitimized the existing system and contributed to its reproduction.

Актуальность и цели. Понятие «глобализация» является ключевым для осмысления изменений, происходящих во всех сферах социальной жизни, начиная с последней трети ХХ в. Увеличивая степень открытости национальных социально-экономических систем, глобализация приводит к необратимым изменениям внутри отдельных государств. Разнообразие национальных и религиозных миров есть естественно-исторически сложившийся способ сожительства человечества с природой и людей друг с другом. Поэтому унификация сегодня зачастую сочетается с локальным культурным кодом, а где-то локальные культуры оказывают сопротивление глобализации. Цель работы проанализировать проблему глобализации и идентичности, а также существующую вероятность растворения национальных культур в глобальной. Материалы и методы. В основу методологии исследования положены принципы диалектического метода. Рассмотрение глобалирующегося единого мира через его многообразие производится с использованием наддисциплинарных подходов. При исследовании глобализации как саморазвивающейся открытой системы автор учитывает требования синергетического метода. Анализируя культурологические основания глобализации, он опирается на концептуальный аппарат, сложившийся в современной философии, социологии и культурологии. Результаты. Показано, что процесс глобализации не только порождает однообразные структуры в экономике и политике различных стран мира, но и приводит к «глокализации» адаптации элементов современной западной культуры к локальным условиям и местным традициям. Выводы. Культурное многообразие человечества находится под угрозой исчезновения и замены не лучшими образцами западной массовой культуры. И ответом на этот вызов может быть только последовательное и постепенное использование национальных культурных ценностей, способствующее позитивному решению стоящих перед обществом проблем. ; Background. "Globalization" is the key term for understanding the changes, which has taken place in all spheres of social life since the last third of XX century. By the increase of exposure of the national socioeconomic systems, globalization leads to irreversible changes inside individual states. It should be pointed out, that the variety of ethnical and religious worlds is a historically developed way of interrelationship of people with nature and with each other. Therefore, the unification nowadays frequently combines with the local cultural code, and somewhere local cultures maintain resistance to globalization. The objective of the article is to analyze the problem of globalization and identity, as well as current probability of dissipation of ethnic cultures in a global one. Materials and methods. The methodology of the research was based on principles of the dialectical method. Consideration of the globalized unified world through its great variety is performed using the over-disciplinary approaches. In research of globalization as a self-developing open system the author considered the requirements of the synergetic method. Analyzing the culturological grounds of globalization, the researcher relied on a conceptual framework, existing in the modern philosophy, sociology and culturology. Results. It is shown that the process of globalization not just creates uniform structures in economy and politics of various countries, but also leads to "glocalization" adaptation of the lements of the modern western culture to local conditions and traditions. Conclusions. Cultural diversity of mankind is in danger of extinction and replacement by dubious elements of occidental mass-culture. Only consistent and gradual usage of national cultural values, which contributes to positive solution of problems of the society can be a response to this challenge.

Статья посвящена теоретическому и сравнительно-правовому исследованию международных трудовых норм, их соотношению и взаимодействию с конституционным правом на труд в Украине. Необходимость внедрения в Украине международно-правовых норм регулирования отношений в сфере труда, обусловлена тем, что наряду с национальными средствами обеспечения и гарантирования трудовых прав, прежде всего Конституцией и законами, должны действовать международно-правовые способы и средства гарантирования основных прав человека. Использование международного опыта даст возможность приблизить национальные правовые нормы к уровню международных трудовых стандартов. Но внедрение этого опыта должно происходить с обязательным учетом особенностей, которые характеризуют правовую систему нашего государства. Эффективность приведения национального законодательства в соответствие с международными стандартами зависит от того, каким именно способом имплементируются международно-правовые нормы в национальное законодательство. Процесс приведения отечественного трудового законодательства к международным трудовым стандартам уже имеет определенные результаты. Так, в Конституции Украины нашли отображение принципиальные положения основополагающих актов в сфере трудовых отношений, усовершенствован правовой механизм защиты трудовых прав, закреплены гарантии равенства прав и свобод человека, установлен запрет каких-либо ограничений по признакам социальной, национальной, религиозной принадлежности, положение о равных правах и свободах мужчин и женщин, равные возможности их реализации. ; The article is devoted to theoretical and comparative legal study of international labour standards, their relationship and interaction with the constitutional right to labour in Ukraine. The right to labour is formalised in international acts, and international labour relations are recognized by almost all states. International legal norms in branch of labour improve position of workers, provide them a wide range of the rights and guarantees. The creation of effective means of legal regulation of the labour relations has an important social value and requires the cardinal change of traditional approaches concerning the ensuring human rights in the sphere of labour. Using the international experience will provide the opportunities to bring the national legislation in compliance with the international labour standards. Nevertheless, the introduction of this experience should be mandatory integrate, taking into account of features that characterize the legal system of our state. The effectiveness of bringing the national legislation in compliance with international standards depends on what way to implement the international legal norms into national legislation. Despite the continuous process of globalization in many spheres of life, in the process of electing the general vector of interstate regulation of the certain matters, each state itself establishes options of accession to certain provisions of the international standards, that is reserves the implicit priority right to election of concrete state policy in a particular field, storing the independence and sovereignty in solving internal issues. The process of reduction of the national labour legislation to the international labour standards has already certain results. Thus, in the Constitution of Ukraine the fundamental provisions of the basic acts found reflection in the field of labour relations, the legal mechanism of protection of the labour rights, guarantees of equal rights and freedoms of the person are improved; any restrictions on the grounds of social, ethnic, religious identity, the provisions on the equal rights and freedoms men and women, equal opportunities for their realization and like are prohibite.

The Mapuche people are natives of Chile and Argentina. Today, they live a sociopolitical conflict against the Chilean and Argentinean states. Before the Spanish invasion, this people had a decentralized sociopolitical structure and only in times of war they would designate a centralized authority provisionally. Nonetheless, the lengthy war against the Spanish meant the appearance of a new social order which made permanent this centralized authority and caused social, politico-administrative, economical and religious changes. This evolution resulted in the appearance of a new centralized structure. Nowadays, we can distinguish new territorial identities in the mapuche people based not only in a number of traditional aspects but also in other aspects assimilated during the colonization. The poverty condition in which the rural population lives has caused a significant urban migration that explains the existence of at least two different mapuche realities. The arduous insertion in the economic activities and in the employment, positions this population in poverty conditions. However, they find themselves able to access a higher education level in the Chilean system. This generates the conditions for the appearance of mapuche intellectuals, who promote the mapuche mobilization, which is reinforced by a relationship with both states which is marked by the political exclusion and by the application of assimilation public policies. In this process, the creation of organizations has led to the strengthening of a mapuche movement in the 1980's demanding the compensation for all the grievances they were subjected to and to demand the acknowledgment of their existence in the territory in Chile and Argentina. This movement takes place in the rural and urban areas as well as in Europe. This movement has been through several phases that have implied the emergence of different demands and strategies making evident the presence of currents in the mapuche movement. In this background emerges our research question: is the mapuche movement a social movement, a political movement or a new social movement? We approach this matter considering the local, national and international levels, applying the qualitative method to take into account the perception of the actors involved. This research is based in the theory of social movement and the theory of political movement, bearing in mind the context of Latin America, where the demands are frequently influenced by the multiplicity of cultures within the population, where the population has experienced several dictatorships, where there is an anti-imperialist element and considering also the fact that the mapuche movement shows signs, as well, of an implication in the Chilean political system. We also take into consideration the ethnical nature of the people studied in this research, which leads to the importance of incorporating the theories concerning the concept of identity, the concept of borders and the role of organizations. Last but not least, the creation and the role of organizations in the social mobilization is also particularly interesting in their function of recruitment, mobilization and establishment of social networks, to understand the functioning of the mapuche movement, both as a political movement and as a new social movement. ; (POLS - Sciences politiques et sociales) -- UCL, 2014

The progressive atmosphere surrounding Vatican II, with its emphasis on liturgical renewal and community participation, gave a boost to typological renewal in Roman Catholic church architecture. One popular new type was the so called 'house church'. Inspired by the early Christians who, to avoid prosecution, met in domestic settings, the house church paradigm became synonym with values such as simplicity, proximity, authenticity. In Belgium, the champion of this new church type was Marc Dessauvage (1931-1981). During his short career, he built a substantial body of churches and monastic buildings thanks to the active support from the Archbishopric Mechlin-Brussels and Frederic Debuyst, who extensively commented on Dessauvage's work in his widespread magazine Art d'Eglise. In retrospect, his work can be said to have made an important contribution to the renewal of church architecture, in the sense that it testifies to an active search for spiritual and social renewal in religious practice, involving clerics and laity alike. However, today, with church attendance reaching historically low figures in Belgium, many churches are becoming redundant. The question of their future use is a delicate topic that forms the subject of much debate within political, architectural and clerical circles. Whereas most historical church buildings are listed, or are at least recognized for their art historical or urban significance, this is not the case for the (non-monumental) post-war (house) churches. Despite their relatively young age, the lack of monumentality and clear sacral identity, the use of experimental (and often cheap) building materials and their often peripheral location pose a severe threat to this part of modern architectural heritage. Dessauvage's work offers a clear instance: in recent years, several of his churches have been converted, sold or clumsily restored. One church is even threatened with demolition at the moment of writing. Given the lack of preservation criteria enabling to discuss, let alone to take into account the particularities of the post-war religious patrimony, this paper proposes to develop a critical framework that goes beyond the single focus on the art/architectural historical value of church buildings. As it will be argued, the patrimonial value of the house churches of the 1960s, in particular, lies perhaps not primarily in their material qualities but in their communal and liturgical significance as spaces for spiritual and social encounter. Discussing the heritage qualities of such buildings thus necessarily raises the question of how to deal with the spatial and atmospheric qualities of their interior rather than their exterior appearance. The central question thus becomes: how can we preserve the (immaterial) ideals of hospitality and community building which constitute the innovative aspect of much post war church architecture? In line with the recent Council of the European Union's directives regarding the role of cultural heritage in creating and enhancing social capital, we therefore propose to investigate how Dessauvage's house churches can take up a broader social role that might safeguard their future.1 In doing so, we will build upon earlier research with regards to critical value assessment of 20th-century church buildings in Flanders, and archival research undertaken as part of an exhibition on Dessauvage's church buildings, currently under preparation. ; Peer Reviewed ; Award-winning

El análisis de la Guerra Civil Española es un tema relevante en la historiografía actual, por sus repercusiones, por su legado que inspiró obras inmortales y por convertirse en un referente para entender el tránsito de las dictaduras a las democracias. La lectura de esta guerra se divide en: los años de conflicto que corresponde a la historiografía del combate y aquella que cuestiona a esta historiografía. Una tercera lectura o emergencia de la historiografía científica, lectura actual, preocupada por la recuperación de los gastos y la memoria de la guerra y de la dictadura. Dentro de esta última lectura se busca reflexionar sobre el impacto de la Guerra Civil Española en los grupos de la sociedad peruana, ya que ella influenció en la configuración de la identidad social y política entre las élites y vastos sectores medios y populares peruanos. Lo anterior, a través de una bibliografía actualizada y abundante. España como referencia y el hispanismo como ideología, son vectores de cohesión dentro de una sociedad peruana multiétnica y católica. Lo ocurrido con la guerra no es indiferente entre los grupos sociales peruanos, lo que explica que los diarios limeños la difundieran y comentaran cotidianamente; de tal manera que estos grupos lograron configurar su situación y destino, dotando a su clase de un contenido especifico, para lo cual enfatizaron en las semejanzas entre la situación peruana y española, manipulando ideológicamente las consecuencias reales y potenciales del desenlace de la guerra, combinando realidades y fantasmas en la afirmación de su ideología de derecha. ; The Spanish Civil War analysis is a relevant topic in current histori aography because of its aftermath, its legacy which inspired immortal works and because it became a benchmarck for understanding the transition from dictatorship to democracy. The interpretation of this is divided into: the conflict years that correspond to the combat historiography and the interpretation that questions this historiography. A third reading or emergence of the scientific historiography, current reading, is concerned about cost recovery and the memory of the war and the dictatorship. Within this last reading it is important to reflect about the impact the Spanish Civil War had on the Peruvian social groups since it influenced in the social and political identity configuration between elites and vast Peruvian media and popular sectors. This can be done through an updated and abundant bibliography. Spain as a reference and Hspanism as an ideology are cohesion vectors in a multiethnic and catholic Peruvian society. What happened with the war is not indifferent between the Peruvian social groups which explain that Lima newspapers disseminated and commented it rutinarily in such a way that these groups were able to set their location and destiny, providing their class with a specific content for which they emphasized the similarities between the Peruvian and the Spanish situation, ideologically manipulating the real and potential consequences of the war outcome, combining realities and ghosts in the assertion of the right-wing ideology.

The Special Administrative Region (SAR) of the People's Republic of China, known as Hong Kong has become Asia's leading center for fine art auctions in terms of value and lot turnover. Over the course of the past six years, the harbor city's international market share has steadily grown to rival and in several segments surpass the longstanding international art market auction leaders- New York, London and Paris. In March 2012, the Wall Street Journal reported "Hong Kong sales generated 20% of Sotheby's revenue in 2011, up from just 5% in 2004. The New York company sold a record $447 million of collectibles over five days last spring. That same season, Christie's sold $469 million."1 My thesis explains the dynamics of the significant global expansion in the contemporary art market through an analysis of the international art market. My analysis begins with the infamous Robert C. and Ethel Scull sale at Sotheby Parke Bernet in 1973 and follows the cyclical rise and fall of the art markets throughout the 1980s and 1990s. My thesis then examines the international, contemporary art market between 2002 and 2012 to illuminate the economic, socio-political and market nuances that have led Hong Kong to its current position as the epicenter of the international art market. My thesis also examines the conflation of Hong Kong's governmental and economic policies, colonialist history and geographic location, which together have provided a fertile and globally unique landscape for an unprecedented climate in the art market. Art Price Index reports in Art Market Trends 2011 that Hong Kong's "freeport status offers a number of advantages for the international exchange of artworks, including no tax on imports or exports, strict banking secrecy, more liberal regulations than Beijing and Shanghai and a strategic location for access to the entire Southeast Pacific region, facilitating visits from Australian, Korean, Taiwanese and Japanese collectors."2 Lastly, my thesis will seek to understand the effect that the art market's expansion has imposed on Hong Kong's cultural identity. Since 2010, Gagosian Gallery, White Cube, Ben Brown Fine Art, Emmanuel Perrotin, and a host of other Western-based galleries have opened spaces within blocks of each other. Because of the lack of state funded museums and art institutions, have the exhibitions produced by commercial galleries, auction exhibitions and private collector museums replaced non-market driven museum and independent art exhibitions? Is this problematic because the exhibitions and artists being represented lack specificity to Hong Kong? Is the global homogenization of contemporary art exhibited in Hong Kong beneficial for the market's continuing growth? Or is Hong Kong's history so deeply rooted in a colonial and economic agenda that a western perspective should be expected? 1 Chow, Jason. "As Auction Season Heats Up, Sotheby's Hopes for a Rebound- WSJ.com." Business News & Financial News- The Wall Street Journal Wsj .com.http://online. wsj .com/article/SB 100014240527023034047045 77306531214829766.html (accessed April 1, 2012). 2 Ehrmann, Thierry. "Art Market Trends 2011." artprice.com, the world leader in Art market informationOnline auctions -Fine Art auction - Art Price for Artists. http://www.artprice.com (accessed February 25, 2012).

Gammalsvenskby is the only Swedish settlement to the east from Finland, founded in 1782. In the past of Gammalsvenskby the history of the Soviet Union, Sweden, the international communist movement and Nazi Germany combined in a bizarre form. And even when the ploughmen of the Kherson steppes did not left their native village, the great powers themselves visited them with the intention to rule forever. The history of colony is viewed through the prism of the theory of "forcednormalization" and the concept of "changes of collective identity". The author intends to study the techniques of forced normalization and the strategy of the collective resistance. Andrej Kotljarchuk is an associate professor in history, working as a university lecturer at the Department of History, Stockholm University; and as a senior researcher at the School of Historical and Contemporary Studies, Södertörn University. His research focuses on ethnic minorities and role of experts' communities, mass violence and the politics of memory. His recent publications include the book chapters "The Nordic Threat: Soviet Ethnic Cleansing on the Kola Peninsula" (2014), "The Memory of Roma Holocaust in Ukraine: Mass Graves, Memory Work and the Politics of Commemoration" (2014); as well as the articles "World War II Memory Politics: Jewish, Polish and Roma Minorities of Belarus", in Journal of Belarusian Studies (2013) and "Kola Sami in the Stalinist terror: a quantitative analysis", in Journal of Northern Studies (2012). ; I boken analyseras de olika sociala experiment som invånarna i Gammalsvenskby i Ukraina utsattes för under 1900-talets första hälft. Från 1700-talet och framåt hade svenskbyborna täta kontakter med Sverige och Finland och behöll sin svenska identitet och kultur. Den stalinistiska staten försökte vid flera tillfällen förändra svenskbybornas kollektiva identitet. De skulle "normaliseras" och bli goda sovjetukrainska medborgare, medlemmar av internationella kommunistiska rörelsen och medvetna byggare av det socialistiska samhället. 1929 emigrerade samtliga invånare i Staroshvedskoe (888 personer) till Sverige, efter förhandlingar mellan den svenska och den sovjetiska regeringen. I Sverige sattes en mängd insatser in för att "integrera" Ukrainasvenskarna i det moderna samhället. De fick inte bosätta sig tillsammans och övervakades av inspektörer på praktikplatser, så att integrationen gick rätt till. Ungefär en tredjedel av Ukrainasvenskarna valde därefter att återvända till Sovjetunionen. Efter deras återkomst till Röda Svenskbyn genomfördes där ett experiment administrerat av Komintern och under ledning av kommunister från Sveriges kommunistiska parti. Experimentet gick ut på att bygga upp den första svenska kolchosen i Sovjetunionen. Under den Stora Terrorn arresterades och arkebuserades 23 svenskbybor, anklagade för att ha byggt upp en "svensk spionorganisation". Den tyska ockupationen av Ukraina medförde att Ukrainasvenskar blev offer för ännu ett experiment, denna gång i form av en nazi-germanisering av den svenska befolkningen i Altschwedendorf. 1945 förvisades svenskbybor av den sovjetiska säkerhetspolisen till Gulag eftersom de klassificerades som folkets fiender. Inom ramen för Michel Foucaults och Alberto Meluccis teorier undersökas i boken den sovjetiska tvångsnormaliseringens tekniker. Dessa användes framgångsrikt av myndigheterna för ideologisk, lingvistisk och kulturell omstöpning av Ukrainasvenskarna, men författaren visar också hur svenskbyborna gjorde kollektivt motstånd. ; Swedish colonies in Ukraine

Das Söldnertum gilt als ein Gewerbe, das es immer schon gegeben hat. Welche Rolle spielen Frauen im Militär? Beginnend in Antike lassen sich erste Aufzeichnungen über Frauen im Krieg finden. Kaiser Maximilian I. entdeckt Ende des 15. Jahrhunderts das antike Söldnerwesen. Die aktive Teilnahme am Kampf blieb ihnen verwehrt, es bleiben Berufe wie Versorgerin, Krankenschwester, Verwalterin oder Hure. Auch wenn Frauen im Krieg als Söldnerinnen oder Kämpferinnen aktiv teilnehmen, wird ihnen weder Dank noch Anerkennung für ihre Taten gezollt. Mit der Bildung europäischer Nationalstaaten um der Einführung einer allgemeinen Wehrpflicht verschwinden Söldnerheere. Im Ersten und Zweiten Weltkrieg spielen Frauen wichtige Rollen, dürfen aber nicht direkt an der Front kämpfen. Als erster Staat verpflichtet Israel zeitgleich seine weiblichen Staatsbürger zum Wehrdienst. Die symbolische Bedeutung eines Amazonencorps macht sich der libysche Ex-Diktator Gaddafi zu Nutze. Nun sind die klassischen Söldnerheere verschwunden. Private Militärfirmen ziehen in Kriege, werden ganz offiziell von Staaten finanziert, bilden aber moderne Söldnertruppen aus. Frauen ist der Zugang nicht mehr verwehrt. Viele Frauen ziehen heute in Kriege. Im Fall Lynndie England wird erstmals global und medial bekannt, dass auch Frauen foltern können. Berühmte Frauen, die mutig in den Krieg ziehen, hat es immer gegeben. Die Amazonenheere in der Antike, bis hin zum Inbegriff einer Kriegerin, Johanna von Orléans, den Marketenderinnen und Huren in den Landsknechtheeren des 30-jährigen Kriegen, den ersten Frauenrechtlerinnen um Olympe de Gouges in der Französischen Revolution bis hin zur weiblichen Beteiligung in den globalen Kriegen des 20. Jahrhunderts und den kolonialen Befreiungskriegen. Das weibliche Geschlecht und das Tragen einer Waffe sind kein Widerspruch mehr, dennoch bekommen Frauen in dieser Sparte nicht jene Reputation, wie ihre männlichen Kollegen. ; Mercenary armies are one of the oldest businesses. Which role have women played in this field? The first records of women and war are the Amazon armies. Afterwards, emperor Maximilian I. discovered in the 90s of the 15th century the ancient mercenary armies and started to reanimate this field. Women contribute a lot: The active participation was refused, the only possibility to fight was "cross dressing" ? the assumption of an male identity. Women took occupations as provider, nurse, administrator or prostitute. If women start to fight for their rights and for equal treatment, first time during French Revolution, this demand gets nipped in the bud by the male citizens. With the rise of European national states and the introduction of general conscription, mercenary armies completely vanish in Europe. In the First and Second World War women play important roles. The first state, that obligates women for their army, was Israel. Of the symbolic meaning of an Amazones army, the ex-dictator Gaddafi took advantage from. Nowadays private military enterprises wage wars. For women, the entry is not denied generally. The case of Lynndie England makes it popular for the first time that not only men are up to outrages in wars, but women are able to torture as well. Famous women, that intend into war bravely, have always existed. The Amazon armies in the ancient world have not been personalised, this happened a few hundred years later the first time with Jeanne d?Arc. Afterwards, the market-women and the prostitutes in the lansquenet armies of Maximilian I. participate in the 30-years War, during French Revolution, the first suffragettes around Olympe de Gouges raised. Female soldiers participated as well in the global wars of the 20th century and the colonial liberation wars. Today the female gender and military as well as wearing a weapon for women is no longer an antagonism, but women do not receive the kind of reputation, their male counterparts do. ; vorgelegt von Anja Schöggl ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung der Verfasserin/des Verfassers ; Zsfassungen in dt. und engl. Sprache ; Graz, Univ., Masterarb., 2014 ; (VLID)239589

Проблема взаимосвязи власти и архетипов российской ментальности является актуальной для различных областей социогуманитарного знания (философии, социологии и политологии). Национальная безопасность любого государства зависит от функционирования экономической, политической и социокультурной систем. Цель статьи провести анализ влияния культурного опыта, складывавшегося веками в России, на состояние политической и экономической сфер. Исследование этого вопроса проводится на примере идеи справедливости, принципа «свой чужой» и терпения, свойственных российской идентичности. В статье раскрываются как исторические основания, так и современное состояние данных архетипов. В настоящей статье выявлено, что трансформации в социально-экономической сфере и изменение системы управления привели к атомизации общества. Опыт проведенных реформ в России продемонстрировал также большой запас терпения и выдержку российского народа. В первой части статьи рассматриваются теоретические аспекты вопроса кризисных тенденций, охвативших социокультурную, политическую, экономическую системы западного общества. Во второй части освещаются особенности трансформационных процессов, происходивших последние два десятилетия в российском обществе. В заключительной части на основе данных Всероссийского центра изучения общественного мнения и Института социально-экономического развития территорий Российской академии наук проводится анализ взаимосвязи проблем власти и архетипов российской ментальности. В статье применялись общенаучные методы анализа и синтеза, сравнительный (компаративный) подход. Эмпирическую базу исследования составили данные социологических опросов. Основное преимущество данного метода это возможность опросить значительное количество респондентов в относительно короткие сроки. ; Problem of interconnection between the power and the archetypes of the Russian mentality is urgent for different fields of socio-humanitarian knowledge (philosophy, sociology and political science). National security of any country depends on the functioning of the economic, political and sociocultural systems. The aim of the article is to conduct the analysis concerning the impact of cultural experience, formed over the centuries in Russia, on the state of the political and economic spheres. The investigation of this issue is carried out using the example of the idea of justice, the "friend-or-foe" principle and patience, peculiar to the Russian identity. The article states both historical grounds, and the current state of these archetypes.The author revealed that transformations in the socio-economic sphere and changes in the management system led to automation of society. The experience of the conducted reforms in Russia showed the large supply of patience and endurance of the Russian nation. The first part of the article is devoted to the theoretical aspects of the issue concerning recessionary trends, which covered socio-cultural, political and economic systems of the western society. The second part of the article describes the peculiarities of transformational processes, happened in the Russian society during the last two decades. The final part of the article is dedicated to the analysis of interconnection between the power's problems and the archetypes of the Russian mentality based on the data of the All-Russian Public Opinion Research Center and the Institute of Socio-Economic Development of Territories of the Russian Academy of Sciences. The author uses general scientific analysis and synthesis methods and comparative approach. The empirical base of research comprises the data of opinion polls. The main advantage of this method is the opportunity to poll a considerable amount of respondents in a relatively short time.

This doctoral dissertation, falling in the field of postcolonial studies, investigates the emergence of an immigration theatre during the decade 1970 in the continuation of fights that characterise the development of a critical discourse regarding colonisation and its effects. In this context, theatre is used as a weapon, a prolongation of the political and militant activism, permitting to dismantle the mechanisms of alienation and exploitation to which immigrants are subject in contemporary environment. Indeed, it is now impossible to consider immigration without considering outcomes of a history initiated with colonisation. Independences, far from consecrating a rupture in the modes of domination established during colonisation, instead seem to perpetuate some beliefs and practises in a renewed expression: it is in particular through the Algerian immigrant figure, backward excrescence of the French colony Algeria was, that methods for processing, supervising and monitoring immigration, in part inherited from the colonial era, persist during postcolonial times. These domination and exploitation mechanisms directed toward immigrant workers will be fiercely denounced during the decade, which sees apparition at the same time of a new political subjectivity and the emergence of an immigrant theatre, whose practise illustrates Anglo-Saxon theories on colonisation and its consequences in the burst of new discursive and aesthetical forms. The weight of colonial legacy, particularly the one related to Algeria, therefore allows to mobilise workers around a contextual identity and to develop a theatre ideologically and aesthetically based on the panoramic examination of a reality inscribed in complex temporality and territoriality linked to motion. ; Cette thèse de doctorat, s'inscrivant dans le champ des études postcoloniales, s'intéresse à l'émergence du théâtre de l'immigration durant la décennie 1970 dans la continuité de luttes qui marquent l'apparition d'un discours critique sur la colonisation et ses effets. Le théâtre est y utilisé comme une arme de combat, une poursuite de l'activité politique et militante, permettant de démanteler les mécanismes d'aliénation et d'exploitation auxquels sont soumis les immigrés en contexte contemporain. Il est en effet désormais impossible de penser l'immigration sans penser les résultats d'une histoire qui a débuté avec la colonisation. Les indépendances, loin de consacrer une rupture dans les modes de domination établis pendant la colonisation, semblent au contraire en perpétuer certaines pensées et pratiques dans une expression renouvelée : c'est notamment à travers la figure de l'immigré algérien, excroissance à rebours de la colonie française qu'était l'Algérie, que des modes de traitement, d'encadrement et de surveillance de l'immigration, hérités en partie de la période coloniale, perdurent dans la période postcoloniale. Ces mécanismes de domination et d'exploitation des travailleurs immigrés seront violemment dénoncés durant la décennie, qui voit l'apparition à la fois d'une nouvelle subjectivité politique et l'émergence d'un théâtre immigré dont la pratique illustre les théories anglo-saxonnes sur la colonisation et ses conséquences dans le jaillissement de nouvelles formes discursives et esthétiques. Le poids de l'héritage colonial, en particulier celui lié à l'Algérie, permet ainsi de mobiliser les travailleurs autour d'une identité contextuelle et de développer un théâtre qui repose idéologiquement et esthétiquement sur l'examen panoramique d'une réalité qui s'inscrit dans une temporalité et une territorialité complexes, liées au mouvement.

No system can be defined as an independent closed space but as an independent, autonomous closed 'time'. Its time modularity is evidenced by rhythms at different scales. Endogenous rhythms are built as a result of past interactive responses (time delays, entrainments and breakages) between its endophysiotope of functioning (ENDO) and its ecoexotope of survival (EXO). Modelling has to take into account the concepts of temporal window, 'Before the time has come, it's too soon. Once the time has passed, it's too late.'; time latency and time shifting, 'It is necessary to give some time to the time.'; compartmentation of the time, 'There is a time for each event. And each event is located into its time place.'; nonlinearity and non‐summation, 'The temporal Whole is both more and less than the sum of its Parts.'; and interactions between time and space, 'The time arrow structures the space functionalities of living systems. But, the systems compartments structure back the arrow of their time.' Time knowledge requires skills and tools to be designed by the system so as to manage time when accomplishing specific tasks to survive. It appears that timelines are designed as ellipses projected on a plan or a Moebius strip and labelled alongside with dates and events on points where they absolutely have to happen. The emergence of a new blueprint runs through the juxtaposition and embedment of previous systems. The new time of the whole emerges through the simultaneous metamorphoses of the parts into their whole. Each subsystem maintains its space–time identity into the whole with which it is a partner, a Parcener.The partial autonomy of each partner is allowed through the maintenance of individual or collective spatial and temporal boundaries. These interfaces structure the spatiotemporal integration of the parts into the ENDO of their whole and of the whole into its EXO of survival. The transition from one level of organization to a superior one results from the building of a new spatiotemporal network. In this new orderly spaced‐timed system, many braces are allowed, but each partner owns a special place, both through the time and into the space. The whole emerges with the building of an Association for the Reciprocal and Mutual Sharing of Advantages and DisAdvantages (http://armsada.eu). That allows—in a no‐change EXO—the maintenance of both a requisite variety of partners and the unity of the whole. If the ENDO or EXO ever changes, that is the only way to set a new networking mode of organization and integration. These associations emerge through the interactive fitness between 'the capacity to welcome' of the EXO and 'the capacity to be welcome' of the ENDO of each parcener. Failures of medical treatments and pathological processes can be explained in terms of breakages of time architectures. Inside a system, time can stop, move with different speeds and jump from one step to another but will never turn back. When a step is in the past, a complete new cycle is needed to reach it again. Copyright © 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Sokolski pokret je predstavljao veoma važan i jedinstven način borbe za ujedinjenje Južnih Slovena, pa je njegova uloga bila od izuzetnog značaja u konstruisanju jugoslovenskog identiteta u Kraljevini Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca. Negovanje sporta kao simbola harmonije između tela, duše i duha je promovisalo fizičko vaspitanje kao put ka integralnom jugoslovenstvu. Cilj ovog rada je da se razmotre elementi ideologije i propagande koji su bili prisutni u estetici i vizuelnoj prezentaciji sokolske arhitekture. Kroz analizu sokolske životne filozofije može se zaključiti do koje mere je ona uticala na arhitekturu sokolskih domova. Veza između Sokolskog pokreta i jugoslovenske ideologije je implicirala detaljniji uvid u političke događaje koji su direktno uticali na proces gradnje i stilskog razvoja sokolskih domova. Ekspanzija podizanja sokolskih domova širom Kraljevine Jugoslavije se poklapala sa diktaturom kralja Aleksandra I Karađorđevića, što jasno ukazuje da je postojala snažna veza i podrška između Sokola i monarhije. Politička dimenzija Sokolskog pokreta je bez sumnje komunicirala sa konceptom integralnog jugoslovenstva. Promene koje su se desile 1934. godine, atentat na kralja Aleksandra, kao i određeni problemi sa Rimokatoličkom crkvom, rezultirali su osetnim smanjenjem podizanja sokolskih domova sve do 1941. godine. Kroz analizu političkog uticaja na arhitekturu sokolskih domova, kao i njihove estetike i ideologije, može se izvući zaključak o tadašnjim društvenim prilikama. Odatle sledi da se sokolska arhitektura može interpretirati kao primer političke umetnosti. ; Sokol movement represented a very important and unique way of struggle for unification of Southern Slovenes; therefore its role in the constitution of Yugoslav identity in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians was significant. Nourishing sport as a symbol of harmony between body, soul, and spirit de facto promoted physical training as the road towards true Yugoslavism. The main purpose of this paper is to consider elements of ideology and propaganda which were present in the aesthetics and visual presentation in the Sokol architecture. It can be concluded by analyzing principles of Sokol movement to what extent it influenced architecture of Sokol houses. The connection between Sokol movement and Yugoslav ideology suggests a closer look at the political events which directly influenced the process of building-up and stylistic development of Sokol houses. The building expansion of Sokol houses throughout the Kingdom of Yugoslavia matches the dictatorship of King Alexander Karadjordjević I, which clearly implies there has been a strong connection and support between the Sokols and the crown. The political dimension of Sokol movement has undoubtedly communicated with the concept of true Yugoslavism. Changes which have occurred in 1934, the assassination of King Alexander as well as problems with the Catholic Church considering the amount of influence Sokol movement had on Catholic members. This resulted in a major fall in building program of Sokols up until 1941. Through an analysis of political influence on architecture of Sokol houses, as well as aesthetics and ideology, a conclusion can be drawn about the social system of the time. Therefore, Sokol architecture can be interpreted as an example of political art.